AMAL MOVEMENT

''For other uses of Amal, see the disambiguation page.''

'Amal Movement' (Arabic: abbreviation of أفواج المقاومة اللبنانية transliterated: Afwâj al-Muqâwmat al-Lubnâniyya, or just حركة أمل; transliterated:Harakat Amal, lit. ''Amal movement'', also ''hope'') is short for the Lebanese Resistance Detachments.^[1] Amal became one of the most important Shi'a Muslim militias during the Lebanese Civil War. Amal grew strong with the support of, and through its ties with Syria,^[2] and the 300,000 Shi'i internal refugees from southern Lebanon after the Israeli bombings in the early 1980s. Amal is also an Arabic noun, meaning "hope." Amal's historical objectives were to achieve greater respect for Lebanon's Shi'ite population and to get a larger percentage of resources allocated to the Shi'ite-dominated southern part of the country than that of the present.^[3]
At its largest the militia had 14,000 troops. Amal fought a long campaign against Palestinian refugees in the Lebanese Civil War called the War of the Camps. After the War of the Camps, Amal fought a bloody battle against its fellow Shi'a group Hezbollah for Beirut which resulted in Syrian intervention.

Contents

History

Origin

Islamic Amal

Amal During the Lebanese War

The War of the Camps

First battle: May 1985

Second battle: May 1986

Third battle September 1986

Amal after the war

References

External links

History

Origin

The origins of the Amal movement lie with the Lebanese cleric of Iranian origin Imam Musa al-Sadr. In 1974 Harakat al-Mahrumin (the Movement of the Deprived) ^[4] was established by al-Sadr and member of parliament Hussein el-Husseini in order to attempt to reform the Lebanese system.
While acknowledged as having its support base in the “traditionally under-represented politically and economically disadvantaged” Shi'a community,^[5] it aimed, according to Palmer-Harik, to seek social justice for all deprived Lebanese.^[6]
Although influenced by Islamic ideas, it was a secular movement trying to unite people along communal lines rather than religious or ideological lines.^[2]
On the 20th January 1975 the Lebanese Resistance Detachments (also referred to in English as 'The Battalions of the Lebanese Resistance') were formed as a military wing of The Movement of the Disinherited under the leadership of al-Sadr, and came to be popularly known as Amal (from the acronym Afwaj al-Mouqawma Al-Lubnaniyya).^[8]
In 1978 al-Sadr disappeared in mysterious circumstances while visiting Libya, the Amal movement’s then regional supporter. Hussein el-Husseini became leader of Amal and was followed by Nabih Berri in April 1980 after el-Husseini resigned from that post.
One of the consequences of this rise of a less educated leader, the increasing secular nature of the movement and move away from an Islamic context for the movement was a spintering of the movement.

Islamic Amal

In the summer of 1982 Husayn Al-Musawi, deputy head and official spokesman of Amal, broke with Berri over his willingness to go along with U.S. mediation in Lebanon rather than attack Israeli troops, his membership in the National Salvation Council alongside the Christians, ^[9] and his opposition to pledging allegiance to Ayatollah Khomeini. ^[10]
Musawi formed the Islamist Islamic Amal Movement based in Baalbeck. It was aided by the Islamic Republic of Iran which in the wake of the 1979 Islamic Revolution strove to export the PanIslamic Islamic revolution and help Lebanon's Shia, something Musawi strongly supported, saying "We are her [i.e. the Islamic Republic's] children."

We are seeking to formulate an Islamic society which in the final analysis will produce an Islamic state. ... The Islamic revolution will march to liberate Palestine and Jerusalem, and the Islamic state will then spread its authority over the region of which Lebanon is only a part.` [Musawi in ''Monday Morning'' magazine, Oct. 31, 1983 shortly before the embassy bombings, quoted in Wright, Sacred Rage'', Simon and Schuster, 2001, p.83

About 1500 members of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard or Pasdaran, arrived in Beqaa Valley that same time and "directly contributed to ensure the survival and growth of al-Musawi's newly-created small militia," providing training, indoctrination and funding. ^[11] Iran was in many ways a natural ally of Shia in Lebanon as it was far larger than Lebanon, oil-rich, and both Shia-majority and Shia-ruled - the only state ruled by Shia. Iran's generous funding meant generous pay for the militias recruits - $150-200 per month plus cost-free education and medical treatment for themselves and their families - that "far exceeded what other [Lebanese] militias were able to offer." This was a major incentive among the impoverished Shi'a community, and induced "a sizable number of Amal fighters [to] defected regularly to the ranks" of Islamic Amal, and later Hizb'allah. ^[12]
But while siding with Syria rather the Islamic Republic of Iran seriously weakened Amal, Berri and others in Amal were reluctant to follow its lead. Their reasons reportedly include:

★ doubt that the policies of revolutionary Iran could solve Lebanon's sectarian problems;

★ the belief that the Islamic Republic had done little to help solve the 1979 disappearance of Imam Musa al-Sadr;

★ and that Iranian Islamic revolutionaries in power had done little to return the favor of Amal's extensive support for Iranian opposition activity against the Shah's regime, such as military training of senior Iranian revolutionaries in Lebanon in camps under Amal's auspices;

★ alarm that several of "Amal's most loyal friends within Iran's clerical establishment either disappeared or were killed or ousted by Ayatollah Khomeini in the period between 1980-81";

★ disapproval of the support and encouragement given to the PLO by Islamic revolutionaries in Iran as a natural spearhead in the holy war against Israel, despite the fact that "PLO activity brought considerable trouble and hardship to the south Lebanese Shi'ites." ^[13]
Islamic Amal went on to be particularly active in fighting Israel's soldiers in southern Lebanon.^[8]
By August 1983 Islamic Amal and Hezbollah were "effectively becoming one under the Hezbollah label," ^[15] and by late 1984 Islamic Amal, along with "all the known major extremist groups" in Lebanon, had been absorbed into Hezbollah.^[16]

Amal During the Lebanese War

1979: Palestinian guerrillas attempt to assassinate then-Secretary General Hussein el-Husseini by launching missiles into his home, outside Beirut.
1980: Hussein el-Husseini resigns from Amal leadership after refusing Syrian president Hafez al-Asad's request to fight alongside the PLO.
1980: Nabih Berri becomes one of the leaders of Amal, marking the entry of Amal in the Lebanese Civil War.
December 1985: Nabih Berri of Amal, Walid Jumblatt of the Druze Progressive Socialist Party, and Elie Hobeika of the Lebanese Forces sign the Tripartite Agreement in Damascus which is supposed to give strong influence to Damascus regarding Lebanese matters. The agreement will never come into effect due to Hobeika ousting.
1989: Amal accepts the Taif agreement (mainly architected by el-Husseini) in order to end the civil war.

The War of the Camps

The War of the Camps was a series of fights that happened in the mid-80's between Amal and Palestinian groups. During these events, PSP and Hizbullah supported Palestinians while Syria supported Amal.

First battle: May 1985

Although most of the Palestinian guerrillas were expelled during the 1982 Israeli invasion, Palestinian militias began to regain after the Israeli withdrawal from Beirut at first, then from Sidon and Tyre. Syria was looking at this revival with some anxiety: though in the same ideological camp, Damascus had little control on most Palestinians organizations and was afraid that the build-up of Palestinian forces could lead to a new Israeli invasion. Moreover Syria's minority alawite regime was never comfortable with Sunni militias in Lebanon. In Lebanon, Shia-Palestinians relations had been very tense since the late 60's. After the multinational force withdrew from Beirut in February 1984, Amal and PSP took control of west-Beirut and Amal built a number of outposts around the camps (in Beirut but also in the south). On April 15 1985, Amal and PSP attacked Al-Murabitun, the main Lebanese Sunni militia and the closest ally of PLO in Lebanon. Al-Murabitun were vanquished and their leader, Ibrahim Kulaylat was sent into exile. On May 19 1985, heavy fightings erupted between Amal and Palestinians for the control of the Sabra, Shatila and Burj el-Barajneh camps (all in Beirut). Despite its effort, Amal could not take the control of the camps. The death toll remains unknown, with estimate ranging from a few hundreds to a few thousands. This and heavy Arab pressure led to a cease-fire June 17.

Second battle: May 1986

The situation remained tense and fights occurred again in September 1985 and March 1986. On May 19 1986, heavy fighting erupted again. Despite new armament provided by Syria, Amal could not take control of the camps. Many cease-fires were announced but most of them did not last more than a few days. The situation began to cool after Syria deployed some troops on June 24 1986.

Third battle September 1986

The tension due to this conflict was also present in the south, an area where Shias and Palestinians were both present. This unavoidably led to frequent clashes. On September 29 1986, fightings occurred at the Rashidiyye camp (Tyre). The conflict immediately spread to Sidon and Beirut. Palestinian forces managed to occupy the Amal controlled town of Maghduche on the eastern hills of Sidon to open the road to Rashidiyye. Syrian forces helped Amal and Israel launched air strikes against PLO position around Maghdouche. A cease-fire was negotiated between Amal and pro-Syrian Palestinian groups on December 15 1986, but it was rejected by Yasser Arafat's Fatah. Fatah tried to appease the situation by giving some of its position to Hezbollah and to the Murabitun. The situation became relatively calm for a while, but the bombing against the camps continued. In Beirut, a blockade of the camps led to a dramatic lack of food and medications inside the camps. In early 87, the fighting spread to Hezbollah and PSP who supported the Palestinians. The PSP quickly seized large portions of west-Beirut and the situation. Consequently, Syria occupied west-Beirut beginning of February 21, 1987. In April 7, 1987 Amal finally lifted the siege and handed its positions around the camps to the Syrian arm. According to the New York Times (March 10 1992, citing figures from the Lebanese police), 3,781 were killed in the fighting.
September 1991: With background in the Syrian controlled end of the Lebanese Civil War in October 1990, 2,800 Amal troops joined the Lebanese army.

Amal after the war

Amal was a strong supporter of Syria after 1990 and endorsed Syria's military presence in Lebanon. After Rafik Hariri's assassination in 2005, Amal opposed the Syrian withdrawal and did not take part in the cedar revolution. Since 1990, the party has been continuously represented in the parliament and the government. Amal is often criticized for corruption among its leadership. Nabih Berri was elected speaker of parliament in 1992, 1996, 2000 and 2005. Currently Amal has 14 representatives in the 128-seat Lebanese parliament. According to Amal officials the party's militants "have been involved in every major battle since fighting began"^[17] during the 2006 Israel-Lebanon Conflict, and at least eight members were reported to have been killed.

References

1. Augustus R. Norton, ''Amal and the Shi'a: Struggle for the Soul of Lebanon'' (Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 1987)
2. Byman, D., 2005, ''Deadly Connections: States that Sponsor Terrorism'', Cambride, Cambridge University Press
3. Palmer-Harik, J., 2004, ''Hezbollah: The Changing Face of Terrorism'', London, I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd
4. Nasr, Vali, 2006, ''The Shia Revival'', New York, W.W. Norton & Company, p. 85
5. Byman, D., 2005, ''Deadly Connections: States that Sponsor Terrorism'', Cambride, Cambridge University Press, p.82
6. Palmer-Harik, J., 2004, ''Hezbollah: The Changing Face of Terrorism'', London, I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd
7. Byman, D., 2005, ''Deadly Connections: States that Sponsor Terrorism'', Cambride, Cambridge University Press
8. Palmer-Harik, J., 2004, ''Hezbollah: The Changing Face of Terrorism'', London, I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd
9. Wright, ''Sacred Rage'' (2001) p.61-2
10. Ranstorp, Magnus, ''Hizb'allah in Lebanon : The Politics of the Western Hostage Crisis'', New York, St. Martins Press, 1997
p.31
11. Ranstorp, ''Hizb'allah in Lebanon'' (1997) p.33
12. Ranstorp, ''Hizb'allah in Lebanon'' (1997) p.36
13. Ranstorp, Hizb'allah in Lebanon'', (1997), p.32
14. Palmer-Harik, J., 2004, ''Hezbollah: The Changing Face of Terrorism'', London, I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd
15. Wright, Sacred Rage, (2001), p.84
16. Wright, Robin, ''Sacred Rage'', Simon and Schuster, (2001), p.95
17. Israeli troops suffer largest one-day loss - ''CNN'' July 27, 2006

External links

★ http://www.amal-movement.com/ (Arabic)