العربية
中国
Français
Deutsch
Ελληνική
हिन्दी
Italiano
日本語
Português
Русский
EspañolCAMP DAVID ACCORDS
(Redirected from Camp David Accords (1978))
The 'Camp David Accords' were signed by Egyptian President Anwar Al Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin on September 17, 1978, following twelve days of secret negotiations at Camp David. The two agreements were signed at the White House, and were witnessed by United States President Jimmy Carter. The Accords led directly to the 1979 Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty.
Upon assuming office on January 20, 1977, President Carter moved to rejuvenate the Middle Eastern peace process that had stalled throughout the 1976 presidential campaign in the United States. Following the advice of a Brookings Institution report, Carter opted to replace the incremental, bilateral peace talks which had characterized Henry Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy following the 1973 Yom Kippur War with a comprehensive, multilateral approach. This new approach called for the reconvening of the 1973 Geneva Conference, this time with a Palestinian delegation, in hopes of negotiating a final settlement, however this never materialized.
Carter also wasted no time in visiting the heads-of-state on whom he would have to rely to make any peace agreement feasible. By the end of his first year in office, he had already met with Anwar Al Sadat of Egypt, King Hussein of Jordan, Hafez al-Assad of Syria, and Yitzhak Rabin of Israel. Carter's and Vance's exploratory meetings gave him a basic plan for reinvigorating the peace process based on the Geneva Conference and Israeli withdrawal on all fronts, including the West Bank. The political situation in Israel underwent a dramatic upheaval with a devastating electoral loss of the long-ruling Israeli Labour Party to Menachem Begin's Likud Party in May of 1977. While Begin officially favored the reconvention of the conference, perhaps even more vocally than Rabin, and even accepted the Palestinian presence, in actuality Israel and Sadat were secretly formulating a framework for bilateral talks. Even earlier, Begin had not been opposed to returning the Sinai, but a major future obstacle was his firm refusal to consider relinquishing control over the West Bank.
President Anwar Al Sadat came to feel that the Geneva track peace process was more show than substance, and was not progressing, partly due to disagreements with Syria. He also lacked confidence in America to pressure Israel after a meeting with Carter. His frustration boiled over, and after clandestine preparatory meetings between Egyptian and Israeli officials, unknown even to the Americans, in November 1977 Anwar Al Sadat became the first Arab leader to visit Israel, thereby implicitly recognizing Israel. In Sadat's Knesset speech he talked about his views on peace, the status of Israel's occupied territories, and the Palestinian refugee problem. This tactic went against both America's and the Soviet Union's intentions, which were to revive the Geneva Conference.
The gesture stemmed from an eagerness to enlist the help of the United States in improving the ailing Egyptian economy, a belief that Egypt should begin to focus more on its own interests than on the interests of the collective Arab world, and a hope that an agreement with Israel would catalyze similar agreements between Israel and her other Arab neighbors and help solve the Palestinian problem. Prime Minister Begin's response to Sadat's initiative, though not what Sadat or Carter had hoped, demonstrated a willingness to engage the Egyptian leader. Like Sadat, Begin also saw many reasons why bilateral talks would be in his country's best interests. It would afford Israel the opportunity to negotiate only with Egypt instead of with a larger Arab delegation that might try to use its size to make unwelcome or unacceptable demands. In addition, the commencement of direct negotiations between leaders – summit diplomacy – would isolate Egypt from her Arab neighbors, a long-standing goal of Israel. The basic message of Sadat's speech at the Knesset were the request for the implementation of Resolutions 242 and 338. Sadat’s visit was the first step to negotiations such as the preliminary Cairo Conference in December 1977 and ultimately the Camp David Accords.
Accompanied by their capable negotiating teams and with their respective interests in mind, both leaders converged on Camp David for thirteen days of tense and dramatic negotiations from September 5-17, 1978. By all accounts, Carter's relentless drive to achieve peace and his reluctance to allow the two men to leave without reaching an agreement are what played the decisive role in the success of the talks. Numerous times both the Egyptian and Israeli leaders wanted to scrap negotiations, only to be lured back into the process by personal appeals from Carter. Begin and Sadat had such mutual antipathy toward one another that they only seldom had direct contact; thus Carter had to conduct his own microcosmic form of shuttle diplomacy by holding one-on-one meetings with either Sadat or Begin in one cabin, then returning to the cabin of the third party to relay the substance of his discussions.
A particularly difficult situation arose on day ten of the talks. The issues of Israeli settlement withdrawal from the Sinai and the status of the West Bank created what seemed to be an impasse.
Begin and Sadat were “literally not on speaking terms,” and “claustrophobia was setting in." In response, Carter had the choice of trying to salvage the agreement by conceding the issue of the West Bank to Begin, while advocating Sadat’s less controversial position on the removal of all settlements from the Sinai Peninsula. Or he could have refused to continue the talks, reported the reasons for their failure, and allowed Begin to bear the brunt of the blame. Carter chose to continue and for three more days negotiated.
There were two 1978 Camp David agreements ''A Framework for Peace in the Middle East'' and ''A Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel'', the second leading towards the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty signed in March, 1979. The agreements and the peace treaty were both accompanied by "side-letters" of understanding between Egypt and the US and Israel and the US.[1]
The first agreement had three parts. The first part was a framework for negotiations to establish an self-governing authority in the West Bank and the Gaza strip and to fully implement SC 242.
It was less clear than the agreements concerning the Sinai, and was later interpreted differently by Israel, Egypt, and the US.
The second part dealt with Egyptian-Israeli relations, the real content being in the second agreement. The third part "Associated Principles" declared principles that should apply to relations between Israel and all of its Arab neighbors.
The second agreement outlined a basis for the peace treaty 6 months later, in particular deciding the future of the Sinai peninsula. Israel agreed to withdraw its armed forces from the Sinai, evacuate its 4,500 civilian inhabitants, and restore it to Egypt in return for normal diplomatic relations with Egypt, guarantees of freedom of passage through the Suez Canal and other nearby waterways (such as the Straits of Tiran), and a restriction on the forces Egypt could place on the Sinai peninsula, especially within 20-40 km from Israel. Israel also agreed to limit its forces a smaller distance (3 km) from the Egyptian border, and to guarantee free passage between Egypt and Jordan. With the withdrawal Israel also lost the Abu-Rudeis oil fields in western Sinai, which contained Israel's only long term commercially productive wells to date.
The agreement also resulted in the United States committing to several billion dollars worth of annual subsidies to the governments of both Israel and Egypt, subsidies which continue to this day, and are given as a mixture of grants and aid packages committed to purchasing U.S. Arms. From 1979 (the year of the peace agreement) to 1997, Egypt received $1.3 billion annually, which also helped modernize the Egyptian military, turning it into the largest in the Middle East. Soviet-supplied until 1979, Egypt now received American weaponry such as the M1A1 Abrams Tank, AH-64 Apache gunship and the F-16 fighter jet. In comparison, Israel has received $3 billion annually since 1985 in grants and military aid packages [2] [3].
According to ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East'':
The time that has elapsed since the Camp David Accords has left no doubt as to their enormous ramifications on Middle Eastern politics. Most notably, the perception of Egypt within the Arab world changed. With the most powerful of the Arab militaries and a history of leadership in Arab world under Nasser, Egypt had more leverage than any of the other Arab states to advance Arab interests. Sadat's alacrity at concluding a peace treaty without demanding greater concessions for Israeli recognition of the Palestinians' right to self-determination incited enough hatred in the Arab world to bring about Sadat's assassination in 1981. Egypt was also suspended from the Arab League from 1979 until 1989.
Also, the Camp David Accords prompted the disintegration of a united Arab front in opposition to Israel. Egypt's realignment created a power vacuum that Saddam Hussein of Iraq, at one time only a secondary consideration, hoped to fill. Because of the vague language concerning the implementation of Resolution 242, the Palestinian problem became the primary issue in the Arab-Israeli conflict immediately following the Camp David Accords (and arguably, until today). Many of the Arab nations blamed Egypt for not putting enough pressure on Israel to deal with the Palestinian problem in a way that would be satisfactory to them.
Lastly, the biggest consequence of all may be in the psychology of the participants of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The success of Begin, Sadat, and Carter at Camp David demonstrated to other Arab states and entities that negotiations with Israel were possible — that progress results only from sustained efforts at communication and cooperation. Despite the disappointing conclusion of the 1993 Oslo Accords between the PLO and Israel, and even though the 1994 Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace has not fully normalized relations with Israel, both of these significant developments had little chance of occurring without the precedent set by Camp David.
For Israel, perhaps the most evident tangible benefit of the agreement with Egypt (other than the subsequent US aid, which Egypt also received) was the permanent cease fire along the mutual border, enabling the Israel Defense Forces to reduce their levels of alert on Israel's southwestern frontier. Although both sides generally abided by the agreements since 1978, in the following years a common belief emerged in Israel that the peace with Egypt is a "cold peace." There is widespread disappointment with Egypt, which is seen as adhering only to letter and not the spirit of the agreement, particularly with the clauses concerning normalization of relations between the two countries. An additional view is that the Peace agreement was between the Israeli people and Egypt's charismatic President Anwar Al Sadat, rather than with the Egyptian people, who were not given the opportunity to accept or reject the agreement with a free vote or a representative majority. While the treaty was approved by a parliament majority in Israel, which has a multi-candidate, Multi-party electoral system, Egypt has had a Semi-presidential system with a single candidate government since 1953.
Further supporting this claim is the fact that although Israeli tourists flocked to Egypt, only few Egyptians return the gesture: in the peak year 1999, 415,000 Israelis visited Egypt. The highest number of Egyptians visiting Israel was 28,000 in 1995. (While this is undoubtedly attributable to the average Egyptian income being lower, it is also worth noting that Israel's population is 6 Million while Egypt has 71 Million citizens).
Despite Israel's acceptance of all of Egypt's territorial demands (total withdrawal from the Sinai peninsula), notable figures in Egyptian society who visit Israel or publicly defend the Peace agreement (such as the late writer and Nobel Prize Laureate Naguib Mahfouz) are rare and do so at their peril; they often suffer sanctions and outright bans by professional and cultural Egyptian associations and sometimes receive death threats. Anti-Semitic themes and cartoons still appear in the Egyptian media [4] [5]. Egypt is also seen as not doing enough to halt the flow of arms smuggling from Sinai into the Gaza strip, where they are used by Palestinian extremist groups for terrorism attacks on Israeli civilians. (On the other hand, Egypt has mediated several unofficial cease fire understandings between Israel and the Palestinians). There have been many popular protests in Egypt against peace with Israel (from all levels of society, up to and including intellectuals, students and Democratization movements such as Kifaya). These typically intensify following Israeli actions in its conflicts with the Palestinians and Lebanon, which Israel views as self defence, but are seen in Egypt as harsh repression of Arabs.
According to an Egyptian Government 2006 poll of 1000 Egyptians (taken at the time of the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict) 92% of Egyptians view Israel as an enemy nation [6], [7]. In Israel, there is lasting support of the Camp David Peace Accords, which have become a national consensus, supported by 85% of Israelis according to a 2001 poll taken by the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (Israel based) [8]. Nevertheless, a minority of Israelis believe the price Israel paid for the peace agreement was too high for its present gains, i.e. having relinquished the entire Sinai Peninsula, with the trauma of evacuating thousands of its Israeli inhabitants (many resisted, as in the town of Yamit and had to be forcefully evacuated).
★ Text of the Accords, Israeli government
★ Text of Accords and additional material, Carter Library
★ 2006 Egyptian public poll on attitudes to Israel and other countries, NY Sun Article. Alternate link to poll results from a BBC News Article
★ The Menachem Begin Heritage Foundation
★ Jaffe Center Poll on Israeli public Attitudes to the Peace Process
★ 1948 Arab-Israeli War
★ 1956 Suez War
★ 1967 Six Day War
★ 1970 War of Attrition
★ 1973 Yom Kippur War
★ Israeli-Palestinian conflict
★ Proposals for a Palestinian state
★ Arab-Israeli conflict
★ Arab League and the Arab-Israeli conflict
★ Paris Peace Conference, 1919
★ Faisal-Weizmann Agreement (1919)
★ 1949 Armistice Agreements
★ Camp David Accords (1978)
★ Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty (1979)
★ Madrid Conference of 1991
★ Oslo Accords (1993)
★ Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace (1994)
★ Camp David 2000 Summit
★ Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
★ Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs
★ List of Middle East peace proposals
★ International law and the Arab-Israeli conflict
★ Bregman, Ahron ''Elusive Peace: How the Holy Land Defeated America''.
★ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002.
★ Meital, Yoram. ''Egypt’s Struggle for Peace: Continuity and Change, 1967-1977''.
★ Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002.
The 'Camp David Accords' were signed by Egyptian President Anwar Al Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin on September 17, 1978, following twelve days of secret negotiations at Camp David. The two agreements were signed at the White House, and were witnessed by United States President Jimmy Carter. The Accords led directly to the 1979 Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty.
| Contents |
| Background |
| The Sadat Peace Initiative |
| The talks |
| Terms of the agreements |
| Consequences |
| Criticism of the Accords |
| External links |
| See also |
| Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties |
| References |
Background
Upon assuming office on January 20, 1977, President Carter moved to rejuvenate the Middle Eastern peace process that had stalled throughout the 1976 presidential campaign in the United States. Following the advice of a Brookings Institution report, Carter opted to replace the incremental, bilateral peace talks which had characterized Henry Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy following the 1973 Yom Kippur War with a comprehensive, multilateral approach. This new approach called for the reconvening of the 1973 Geneva Conference, this time with a Palestinian delegation, in hopes of negotiating a final settlement, however this never materialized.
Carter also wasted no time in visiting the heads-of-state on whom he would have to rely to make any peace agreement feasible. By the end of his first year in office, he had already met with Anwar Al Sadat of Egypt, King Hussein of Jordan, Hafez al-Assad of Syria, and Yitzhak Rabin of Israel. Carter's and Vance's exploratory meetings gave him a basic plan for reinvigorating the peace process based on the Geneva Conference and Israeli withdrawal on all fronts, including the West Bank. The political situation in Israel underwent a dramatic upheaval with a devastating electoral loss of the long-ruling Israeli Labour Party to Menachem Begin's Likud Party in May of 1977. While Begin officially favored the reconvention of the conference, perhaps even more vocally than Rabin, and even accepted the Palestinian presence, in actuality Israel and Sadat were secretly formulating a framework for bilateral talks. Even earlier, Begin had not been opposed to returning the Sinai, but a major future obstacle was his firm refusal to consider relinquishing control over the West Bank.
The Sadat Peace Initiative
President Anwar Al Sadat came to feel that the Geneva track peace process was more show than substance, and was not progressing, partly due to disagreements with Syria. He also lacked confidence in America to pressure Israel after a meeting with Carter. His frustration boiled over, and after clandestine preparatory meetings between Egyptian and Israeli officials, unknown even to the Americans, in November 1977 Anwar Al Sadat became the first Arab leader to visit Israel, thereby implicitly recognizing Israel. In Sadat's Knesset speech he talked about his views on peace, the status of Israel's occupied territories, and the Palestinian refugee problem. This tactic went against both America's and the Soviet Union's intentions, which were to revive the Geneva Conference.
The gesture stemmed from an eagerness to enlist the help of the United States in improving the ailing Egyptian economy, a belief that Egypt should begin to focus more on its own interests than on the interests of the collective Arab world, and a hope that an agreement with Israel would catalyze similar agreements between Israel and her other Arab neighbors and help solve the Palestinian problem. Prime Minister Begin's response to Sadat's initiative, though not what Sadat or Carter had hoped, demonstrated a willingness to engage the Egyptian leader. Like Sadat, Begin also saw many reasons why bilateral talks would be in his country's best interests. It would afford Israel the opportunity to negotiate only with Egypt instead of with a larger Arab delegation that might try to use its size to make unwelcome or unacceptable demands. In addition, the commencement of direct negotiations between leaders – summit diplomacy – would isolate Egypt from her Arab neighbors, a long-standing goal of Israel. The basic message of Sadat's speech at the Knesset were the request for the implementation of Resolutions 242 and 338. Sadat’s visit was the first step to negotiations such as the preliminary Cairo Conference in December 1977 and ultimately the Camp David Accords.
The talks
Accompanied by their capable negotiating teams and with their respective interests in mind, both leaders converged on Camp David for thirteen days of tense and dramatic negotiations from September 5-17, 1978. By all accounts, Carter's relentless drive to achieve peace and his reluctance to allow the two men to leave without reaching an agreement are what played the decisive role in the success of the talks. Numerous times both the Egyptian and Israeli leaders wanted to scrap negotiations, only to be lured back into the process by personal appeals from Carter. Begin and Sadat had such mutual antipathy toward one another that they only seldom had direct contact; thus Carter had to conduct his own microcosmic form of shuttle diplomacy by holding one-on-one meetings with either Sadat or Begin in one cabin, then returning to the cabin of the third party to relay the substance of his discussions.
Begin and Brzezinski playing chess at Camp David.
A particularly difficult situation arose on day ten of the talks. The issues of Israeli settlement withdrawal from the Sinai and the status of the West Bank created what seemed to be an impasse.
President Carter, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance at Camp David.
Terms of the agreements
There were two 1978 Camp David agreements ''A Framework for Peace in the Middle East'' and ''A Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel'', the second leading towards the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty signed in March, 1979. The agreements and the peace treaty were both accompanied by "side-letters" of understanding between Egypt and the US and Israel and the US.[1]
The first agreement had three parts. The first part was a framework for negotiations to establish an self-governing authority in the West Bank and the Gaza strip and to fully implement SC 242.
It was less clear than the agreements concerning the Sinai, and was later interpreted differently by Israel, Egypt, and the US.
The second part dealt with Egyptian-Israeli relations, the real content being in the second agreement. The third part "Associated Principles" declared principles that should apply to relations between Israel and all of its Arab neighbors.
The second agreement outlined a basis for the peace treaty 6 months later, in particular deciding the future of the Sinai peninsula. Israel agreed to withdraw its armed forces from the Sinai, evacuate its 4,500 civilian inhabitants, and restore it to Egypt in return for normal diplomatic relations with Egypt, guarantees of freedom of passage through the Suez Canal and other nearby waterways (such as the Straits of Tiran), and a restriction on the forces Egypt could place on the Sinai peninsula, especially within 20-40 km from Israel. Israel also agreed to limit its forces a smaller distance (3 km) from the Egyptian border, and to guarantee free passage between Egypt and Jordan. With the withdrawal Israel also lost the Abu-Rudeis oil fields in western Sinai, which contained Israel's only long term commercially productive wells to date.
The agreement also resulted in the United States committing to several billion dollars worth of annual subsidies to the governments of both Israel and Egypt, subsidies which continue to this day, and are given as a mixture of grants and aid packages committed to purchasing U.S. Arms. From 1979 (the year of the peace agreement) to 1997, Egypt received $1.3 billion annually, which also helped modernize the Egyptian military, turning it into the largest in the Middle East. Soviet-supplied until 1979, Egypt now received American weaponry such as the M1A1 Abrams Tank, AH-64 Apache gunship and the F-16 fighter jet. In comparison, Israel has received $3 billion annually since 1985 in grants and military aid packages [2] [3].
Consequences
According to ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East'':
"The normalization of relations [between Israel and Egypt] went into effect in January 1980. Ambassadors were exchanged in February. The boycott laws were repealed by Egypt's National Assembly the same month, and some trade began to develop, albeit less than Israel had hoped for. In March 1980 regular airline flights were inaugurated. Egypt also began supplying Israel with crude oil" (Sela, 100).
The time that has elapsed since the Camp David Accords has left no doubt as to their enormous ramifications on Middle Eastern politics. Most notably, the perception of Egypt within the Arab world changed. With the most powerful of the Arab militaries and a history of leadership in Arab world under Nasser, Egypt had more leverage than any of the other Arab states to advance Arab interests. Sadat's alacrity at concluding a peace treaty without demanding greater concessions for Israeli recognition of the Palestinians' right to self-determination incited enough hatred in the Arab world to bring about Sadat's assassination in 1981. Egypt was also suspended from the Arab League from 1979 until 1989.
Also, the Camp David Accords prompted the disintegration of a united Arab front in opposition to Israel. Egypt's realignment created a power vacuum that Saddam Hussein of Iraq, at one time only a secondary consideration, hoped to fill. Because of the vague language concerning the implementation of Resolution 242, the Palestinian problem became the primary issue in the Arab-Israeli conflict immediately following the Camp David Accords (and arguably, until today). Many of the Arab nations blamed Egypt for not putting enough pressure on Israel to deal with the Palestinian problem in a way that would be satisfactory to them.
Lastly, the biggest consequence of all may be in the psychology of the participants of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The success of Begin, Sadat, and Carter at Camp David demonstrated to other Arab states and entities that negotiations with Israel were possible — that progress results only from sustained efforts at communication and cooperation. Despite the disappointing conclusion of the 1993 Oslo Accords between the PLO and Israel, and even though the 1994 Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace has not fully normalized relations with Israel, both of these significant developments had little chance of occurring without the precedent set by Camp David.
Criticism of the Accords
For Israel, perhaps the most evident tangible benefit of the agreement with Egypt (other than the subsequent US aid, which Egypt also received) was the permanent cease fire along the mutual border, enabling the Israel Defense Forces to reduce their levels of alert on Israel's southwestern frontier. Although both sides generally abided by the agreements since 1978, in the following years a common belief emerged in Israel that the peace with Egypt is a "cold peace." There is widespread disappointment with Egypt, which is seen as adhering only to letter and not the spirit of the agreement, particularly with the clauses concerning normalization of relations between the two countries. An additional view is that the Peace agreement was between the Israeli people and Egypt's charismatic President Anwar Al Sadat, rather than with the Egyptian people, who were not given the opportunity to accept or reject the agreement with a free vote or a representative majority. While the treaty was approved by a parliament majority in Israel, which has a multi-candidate, Multi-party electoral system, Egypt has had a Semi-presidential system with a single candidate government since 1953.
Further supporting this claim is the fact that although Israeli tourists flocked to Egypt, only few Egyptians return the gesture: in the peak year 1999, 415,000 Israelis visited Egypt. The highest number of Egyptians visiting Israel was 28,000 in 1995. (While this is undoubtedly attributable to the average Egyptian income being lower, it is also worth noting that Israel's population is 6 Million while Egypt has 71 Million citizens).
Despite Israel's acceptance of all of Egypt's territorial demands (total withdrawal from the Sinai peninsula), notable figures in Egyptian society who visit Israel or publicly defend the Peace agreement (such as the late writer and Nobel Prize Laureate Naguib Mahfouz) are rare and do so at their peril; they often suffer sanctions and outright bans by professional and cultural Egyptian associations and sometimes receive death threats. Anti-Semitic themes and cartoons still appear in the Egyptian media [4] [5]. Egypt is also seen as not doing enough to halt the flow of arms smuggling from Sinai into the Gaza strip, where they are used by Palestinian extremist groups for terrorism attacks on Israeli civilians. (On the other hand, Egypt has mediated several unofficial cease fire understandings between Israel and the Palestinians). There have been many popular protests in Egypt against peace with Israel (from all levels of society, up to and including intellectuals, students and Democratization movements such as Kifaya). These typically intensify following Israeli actions in its conflicts with the Palestinians and Lebanon, which Israel views as self defence, but are seen in Egypt as harsh repression of Arabs.
According to an Egyptian Government 2006 poll of 1000 Egyptians (taken at the time of the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict) 92% of Egyptians view Israel as an enemy nation [6], [7]. In Israel, there is lasting support of the Camp David Peace Accords, which have become a national consensus, supported by 85% of Israelis according to a 2001 poll taken by the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (Israel based) [8]. Nevertheless, a minority of Israelis believe the price Israel paid for the peace agreement was too high for its present gains, i.e. having relinquished the entire Sinai Peninsula, with the trauma of evacuating thousands of its Israeli inhabitants (many resisted, as in the town of Yamit and had to be forcefully evacuated).
External links
★ Text of the Accords, Israeli government
★ Text of Accords and additional material, Carter Library
★ 2006 Egyptian public poll on attitudes to Israel and other countries, NY Sun Article. Alternate link to poll results from a BBC News Article
★ The Menachem Begin Heritage Foundation
★ Jaffe Center Poll on Israeli public Attitudes to the Peace Process
See also
★ 1948 Arab-Israeli War
★ 1956 Suez War
★ 1967 Six Day War
★ 1970 War of Attrition
★ 1973 Yom Kippur War
★ Israeli-Palestinian conflict
★ Proposals for a Palestinian state
★ Arab-Israeli conflict
★ Arab League and the Arab-Israeli conflict
Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties
★ Paris Peace Conference, 1919
★ Faisal-Weizmann Agreement (1919)
★ 1949 Armistice Agreements
★ Camp David Accords (1978)
★ Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty (1979)
★ Madrid Conference of 1991
★ Oslo Accords (1993)
★ Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace (1994)
★ Camp David 2000 Summit
★ Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
★ Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs
★ List of Middle East peace proposals
★ International law and the Arab-Israeli conflict
References
★ Bregman, Ahron ''Elusive Peace: How the Holy Land Defeated America''.
★ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002.
★ Meital, Yoram. ''Egypt’s Struggle for Peace: Continuity and Change, 1967-1977''.
★ Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002.
This article provided by Wikipedia. To edit the contents of this article, click here for original source.
psst.. try this: add to faves
