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Español1986 EDSA REVOLUTION
(Redirected from EDSA Revolution)
The 'EDSA Revolution', also referred to as the ''People Power Revolution'' and the ''Philippine Revolution of 1986'' and also ''Rosary Revolution'', was a mostly nonviolent mass demonstration in the Philippines. Four days of peaceful action by millions of Filipinos in Metro Manila under the guidance of Jaime Cardinal Sin who envoked the protection of Our Lady of Fatima led to the downfall of the authoritarian regime of President Ferdinand Marcos and the installation of Corazon Aquino as president of the Republic. EDSA stands for ''Epifanio de los Santos Avenue'', a main highway in Metro Manila and the main site of the demonstrations.
On August 21, 1983, the popular alleged left-leaning senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. (popularly known as "Ninoy") was assassinated at the then-Manila International Airport (now known as Ninoy Aquino International Airport or NAIA) after returning from a three-year exile in the United States. His assassination shocked and outraged civilians most of whom had by then lost confidence in Marcos' leadership. It also shook the Marcos government which was by then deteriorating, in part due to Marcos' worsening condition and eventual fatal illness.
On November 23, 1985, Marcos, after alleged pressure from Washington, suddenly announced that there would be snap presidential elections early the following year, one year ahead of schedule. This was legalized with the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883). The growing opposition movement used Corazon Aquino as their presidential candidate, with Salvador Laurel running for vice-president. Marcos himself ran for re-election, with Arturo Tolentino as his running mate.
The elections were held on February 7, 1986. The electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results. The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the victor. The final tally of COMELEC, the official Philippine poll body, had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes to Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. The final tally of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,835,070 votes to Marcos' 7,053,068 votes.
But due to the reports of alleged fraud, the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) issued a statement condemning the elections. The United States Senate passed a resolution stating the same.
The events of the revolution started when two key leaders of the military withdrew their support for Marcos. On 6:45 p.m. on Friday, February 22, 1986, the Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile and the Vice Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces Lt. Gen. (later president) Fidel Ramos announced at a press conference that they felt Marcos had stolen the election. Therefore, they declared that they could no longer support Marcos and that Aquino was the rightful president. Subsequently, they barricaded themselves in two military camps: Ramos at Camp Crame, Headquarters of the Philippine Constabulary-Integrated National Police and Enrile at the Ministry of National Defense in Camp Aguinaldo. Both camps faced each other across EDSA in Quezon City, Metro Manila. Supported by only a few hundred fellow soldiers, Enrile and Ramos prepared for the inevitable attack by Marcos-loyal troops led by Gen. Fabian Ver, the Armed Forces Chief of Staff.
A few hours later, Radio Veritas - a Roman Catholic Church radio station, the only non-government-controlled radio station, replayed the press conference nationwide. Marcos himself later conducted his own news conference calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to "stop this stupidity."
At about 9 p.m., in a message aired over Radio Veritas, the highly influential Catholic Archbishop of Manila Jaime Cardinal Sin exhorted Filipinos to come to the aid of the rebel leaders by going to EDSA between Camp Crame and Aguinaldo and giving emotional support, food and other supplies. For many, this seemed an unwise decision since civilians would not stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops. Nevertheless, many people, especially priests and nuns, trooped to EDSA.
At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the main transmitter of Radio Veritas, cutting off broadcasts to people in the provinces. The station switched to a standby transmitter with a limited range of broadcast. The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping them informed of government troop movements and relaying requests for food, medicine, and supplies.
Still, people came to EDSA until it swelled to hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood in the street was actually very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. Several groups sang ''Bayan Ko'' (My Country), which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the opposition. People frequently flashed the ''LABAN'' (fight) sign, which is an "L" formed with their thumb and index finger.
Shortly after lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed EDSA from Camp Aguinaldo to Camp Crame amidst cheers from the crowd.
In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas relayed reports of Marines massing near the camps in the east and tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and armored vans, led by Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers from the camps, by tens of thousands of people. Nuns holding rosaries knelt in front of the tanks and men and women linked arms together to block the troops. Tadiar threatened the crowds but they did not budge. In the end, the troops were forced to retreat with no shots fired.
By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed. Shortly after midnight, the staff were able to go to another station to begin broadcasting from a secret location under the moniker "Radyo Bandido" (Bandit Radio). June Keithley was the radio broadcaster who continued Radio Veritas' program throughout the night and in the remaining days.
At dawn on February 24, Monday, the first serious encounter with government troops occurred. Marines marching from Libis, in the east, lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly dispersed. Some 3,000 Marines then entered and held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo.
Later, helicopters manned by the 15th Air Force Strike Wing, led by Major General Antonio Sotelo, were ordered to head to Camp Crame to neutralize it. Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking Camp Crame, landed in it, with the crowds cheering and hugging the soldiers who came out. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had been continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement.
At around that time, June Keithley received reports that Marcos had left Malacañang Palace and broadcasted this to the people at EDSA. The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out from Crame to appear to the crowds. The jubilation was however short-lived as Marcos later appeared on television on the government-controlled Channel 4, declaring that he would not step down. It was thereafter speculated that the false report was a psychological warfare ploy against Marcos to encourage more defections.
During this broadcast, Channel 4 suddenly went off air. A contingent of reformist soldiers (rebels), under Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. Channel 4 was put back online, shortly after noon, with a voice declaring, "This is Channel 4. Serving the people again." By this time, the crowds at EDSA had swollen to over a million. (Some estimates placed them at two million.)
In the late afternoon, rebel helicopters attacked Villamor Air Base, destroying presidential vehicles. Another helicopter went to Malacañang, fired a rocket and caused minor damage. Later, most of the officers who had graduated from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) defected; the majority of the Armed Forces had already changed sides.
The actual dialogue on TV went as follows:
'Fabian Ver:' ''We have to immobilize the helicopters they've got. We have two fighter planes flying now to strike at any time, sir.''
'Ferdinand Marcos:' ''My order is not to attack.''
'Ver:' ''They are massing civilians near our troops and we cannot keep on withdrawing. You asked me to withdraw yesterday....''
'Marcos ''(interrupting)'':' ''My order is to disperse [them] without shooting them.''
'Ver:' ''We cannot withdraw all the time...''
'Marcos:' ''No, no, no! Hold on. You disperse the crowds without shooting them. You may use any other weapon...''
On the morning of February 25, Tuesday, at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred between loyal government troops and the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the government-owned Channel 9 tower, near Channel 4, began shooting at the reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the station.
Later in the morning, Cory Aquino was inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club Filipino in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. She was sworn in as President by Senior Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee, and Laurel as Vice-President by Justice Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her oath was held by Aurora Aquino, the mother of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who was then promoted to General, Enrile, and many politicians. Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, about hundreds of people cheered and celebrated. ''Bayan Ko'' (''My Country'', a popular folk song and the unofficial national anthem) was sung after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color of Aquino's campaign for presidency.
An hour later, Marcos conducted the inauguration at Malacañang. Millions of loyalist civilians attended the ceremony, shouting "''Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin!'' (Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!)". On the Palace balcony, Marcos took his oath as the President of the Philippines, broadcast by the remaining government television channels and channel 7. None of the invited foreign dignitaries attended the ceremony for security reason (although Moscow sent a congratulatory message). First Lady Imelda Marcos sang one more rendition of ''"Dahil Sa Iyo"'' (Because of You), the couple's theme song, rather tearfully. After the inauguration, the Marcos family and their close associates hurriedly rushed to leave the Palace. The broadcast of the event was also cut off as rebel troops successfully captured the other stations.
By this time, tens of hundreds of people had amassed at the barricades along Mendiola, only a hundred meters away from Malacañang. They were prevented from storming the Palace by loyal government troops securing the area. The angry demonstrators were pacified by priests who warned them not to be violent.
Marcos later talked to US Senator Paul Laxalt, asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four American helicopters to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before heading on to Guam, and finally to Hawaii.
When the news of Marcos's departure reached the people, many rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators were finally able to enter Malacañang Palace, long denied to Filipinos in the past decade. Looting by overly angry protesters occurred, but mostly people wandered inside, looking at the place where all the decisions that changed the course of Philippine history had been made.
Many people around the world rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew. Bob Simon, an anchorman at Columbia Broadcasting System said, "We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy; well, tonight they are teaching the world."
Some people have a problem with labeling this event a revolution; for many, a revolution is the violent overthrow of a reigning government. However, the term "revolution" is generally accepted to mean replacing a prior regime through extraordinary means. The EDSA Revolution was, and remains "extraordinary."
In the years since there have been several similar, largely nonviolent revolutions removing similarly unpopular regimes (in, for example, the former East Germany, the Velvet Revolution in the former Czechoslovakia, and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine), so the EDSA Revolution may seem more "authentically" revolutionary now than it did at the time, and could even perhaps be cited as the event that led, at least in part, to subsequent peaceful revolts.
According to some observers, the EDSA Revolution was little more than a coup d'état by disgruntled military officials, who attempted to overthrow Marcos and install a military junta with Corazon Aquino as a figurehead president (the power is vested in the Junta, and Enrile was supposed to be to become the president of the Junta). Instead, the coup gained the support of a civilian populace disillusioned with Marcos' regime, ultimately leading to his ouster.
Many people have long debated on how millions of people were able to topple a two-decade long authoritarian rule with almost no bloodshed. Some attribute it to the Filipino character, while others claim that their unwavering presence in the rallies, especially at Mendiola, was the driving force behind the revolution. Some Americans claim that it was because of negotiations between Marcos and the U.S. Government. Still others claim that it was the Catholic Church's involvement that ultimately led to the revolution's success or just the fact that the coup leaders were able to get the support of the crowds that filled EDSA.
The event was actually quite an unprecedented event in Philippine history. It was probably the first time millions of civilians came to the aid of the military, which had long been an instrument of repression and terror.
While the EDSA Revolution is almost universally acknowledged as a great example of democracy at work, many political scientists and sociologists have commented that the Philippines has largely failed to actualize the possible gains from a fresh change in government, including the new constitution. Among the conditions cited are the overall slow growth of the Philippine economy, especially compared to that of other nearby Southeast Asian countries, the essentially unchanged political atmosphere in the country, and the general feeling of worsening living conditions, especially among the poor sectors of society.
Many people, particularly vocal activist groups and non-governmental organizations, have decried the return to power of many of the individuals associated with the Marcos regime. Many would also argue that the run of politics in the country did not change, only the politicians. Nepotism is still widespread, with many places in the Philippines being bailiwicks of local political dynasties. The concept of the ''trapo'' (rag) or the "traditional politician", which is a term used to describe an old, corrupt politician who clings to power, have solidified in the administrations after Marcos. Essentially, the EDSA Revolution served to replace the old ''trapos'' with new and opportunistic ones who immediately denounced the Marcos regime for their own gains in the 1987 elections.
Some political scientists have even said that the Philippines today is one of the worst examples of a democratic state; that the Philippines is still not ready for true democracy. Some Filipinos have labeled Philippine democracy as ''the tyranny of the masses'', ''mob rule'', or Ochlocracy. Traditional politicians cling to old posts, while Filipinos have frequently voted into office movie and TV actors and actresses, and other celebrities, whether they were capable or not. One critic called this phenomenon a "showbiztocracy".
While the EDSA Revolution drove out a strongman, the situation that emerged is, according to critics, even worse. Evidence of this may be seen in today's Philippine society, which has been polarized. Another, the 1987 Constitution adopted after Marcos' ouster left future Presidents vulnerable to "revolutions" such as this one, as evidenced by former President Joseph Estrada's ouster, and the many attempts to oust President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. The constitutionality of the Revolution was also disputed because the historic events, from the snap election to the Revolution, up to the exile of Marcos, were done through extra-constitutional means. This has become a moot point since a new constitution was adopted in 1987.
★ Mercado, Paul Sagmayao, and Tatad, Francisco S. ''People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986: An eyewitness history.'' Manila, Philippines. The James B. Reuter, S.J., Foundation. 1986.
★ Baron, Cynthia S. and Suazo, Melba M. ''Nine Letters: The Story of the 1986 Filipino Revolution.'' Quezon City, Philippines. Gerardo P. Baron Books. 1986
★ Schock, Kurt. ''Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies.'' Minneapolis, USA. University of Minnesota Press. 2005.
The 'EDSA Revolution', also referred to as the ''People Power Revolution'' and the ''Philippine Revolution of 1986'' and also ''Rosary Revolution'', was a mostly nonviolent mass demonstration in the Philippines. Four days of peaceful action by millions of Filipinos in Metro Manila under the guidance of Jaime Cardinal Sin who envoked the protection of Our Lady of Fatima led to the downfall of the authoritarian regime of President Ferdinand Marcos and the installation of Corazon Aquino as president of the Republic. EDSA stands for ''Epifanio de los Santos Avenue'', a main highway in Metro Manila and the main site of the demonstrations.
Historical background
The headline that shocked the nation.
On August 21, 1983, the popular alleged left-leaning senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. (popularly known as "Ninoy") was assassinated at the then-Manila International Airport (now known as Ninoy Aquino International Airport or NAIA) after returning from a three-year exile in the United States. His assassination shocked and outraged civilians most of whom had by then lost confidence in Marcos' leadership. It also shook the Marcos government which was by then deteriorating, in part due to Marcos' worsening condition and eventual fatal illness.
On November 23, 1985, Marcos, after alleged pressure from Washington, suddenly announced that there would be snap presidential elections early the following year, one year ahead of schedule. This was legalized with the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883). The growing opposition movement used Corazon Aquino as their presidential candidate, with Salvador Laurel running for vice-president. Marcos himself ran for re-election, with Arturo Tolentino as his running mate.
The elections were held on February 7, 1986. The electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results. The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the victor. The final tally of COMELEC, the official Philippine poll body, had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes to Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. The final tally of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,835,070 votes to Marcos' 7,053,068 votes.
But due to the reports of alleged fraud, the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) issued a statement condemning the elections. The United States Senate passed a resolution stating the same.
Events of the Revolution
The Defection
The events of the revolution started when two key leaders of the military withdrew their support for Marcos. On 6:45 p.m. on Friday, February 22, 1986, the Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile and the Vice Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces Lt. Gen. (later president) Fidel Ramos announced at a press conference that they felt Marcos had stolen the election. Therefore, they declared that they could no longer support Marcos and that Aquino was the rightful president. Subsequently, they barricaded themselves in two military camps: Ramos at Camp Crame, Headquarters of the Philippine Constabulary-Integrated National Police and Enrile at the Ministry of National Defense in Camp Aguinaldo. Both camps faced each other across EDSA in Quezon City, Metro Manila. Supported by only a few hundred fellow soldiers, Enrile and Ramos prepared for the inevitable attack by Marcos-loyal troops led by Gen. Fabian Ver, the Armed Forces Chief of Staff.
A few hours later, Radio Veritas - a Roman Catholic Church radio station, the only non-government-controlled radio station, replayed the press conference nationwide. Marcos himself later conducted his own news conference calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to "stop this stupidity."
At about 9 p.m., in a message aired over Radio Veritas, the highly influential Catholic Archbishop of Manila Jaime Cardinal Sin exhorted Filipinos to come to the aid of the rebel leaders by going to EDSA between Camp Crame and Aguinaldo and giving emotional support, food and other supplies. For many, this seemed an unwise decision since civilians would not stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops. Nevertheless, many people, especially priests and nuns, trooped to EDSA.
Rising mass support
During the height of the revolution, an estimated one to three million people filled EDSA from Ortigas Avenue all the way to Cubao. The photo above shows the area at the intersection of EDSA and Boni Serrano Avenue, just between Camp Crame and Camp Aguinaldo.
At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the main transmitter of Radio Veritas, cutting off broadcasts to people in the provinces. The station switched to a standby transmitter with a limited range of broadcast. The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping them informed of government troop movements and relaying requests for food, medicine, and supplies.
Still, people came to EDSA until it swelled to hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood in the street was actually very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. Several groups sang ''Bayan Ko'' (My Country), which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the opposition. People frequently flashed the ''LABAN'' (fight) sign, which is an "L" formed with their thumb and index finger.
Shortly after lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed EDSA from Camp Aguinaldo to Camp Crame amidst cheers from the crowd.
In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas relayed reports of Marines massing near the camps in the east and tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and armored vans, led by Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers from the camps, by tens of thousands of people. Nuns holding rosaries knelt in front of the tanks and men and women linked arms together to block the troops. Tadiar threatened the crowds but they did not budge. In the end, the troops were forced to retreat with no shots fired.
By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed. Shortly after midnight, the staff were able to go to another station to begin broadcasting from a secret location under the moniker "Radyo Bandido" (Bandit Radio). June Keithley was the radio broadcaster who continued Radio Veritas' program throughout the night and in the remaining days.
More Defections
At dawn on February 24, Monday, the first serious encounter with government troops occurred. Marines marching from Libis, in the east, lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly dispersed. Some 3,000 Marines then entered and held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo.
Later, helicopters manned by the 15th Air Force Strike Wing, led by Major General Antonio Sotelo, were ordered to head to Camp Crame to neutralize it. Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking Camp Crame, landed in it, with the crowds cheering and hugging the soldiers who came out. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had been continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement.
The capture of Channel 4
At around that time, June Keithley received reports that Marcos had left Malacañang Palace and broadcasted this to the people at EDSA. The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out from Crame to appear to the crowds. The jubilation was however short-lived as Marcos later appeared on television on the government-controlled Channel 4, declaring that he would not step down. It was thereafter speculated that the false report was a psychological warfare ploy against Marcos to encourage more defections.
During this broadcast, Channel 4 suddenly went off air. A contingent of reformist soldiers (rebels), under Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. Channel 4 was put back online, shortly after noon, with a voice declaring, "This is Channel 4. Serving the people again." By this time, the crowds at EDSA had swollen to over a million. (Some estimates placed them at two million.)
In the late afternoon, rebel helicopters attacked Villamor Air Base, destroying presidential vehicles. Another helicopter went to Malacañang, fired a rocket and caused minor damage. Later, most of the officers who had graduated from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) defected; the majority of the Armed Forces had already changed sides.
Marcos' finest hour
The actual dialogue on TV went as follows:
'Fabian Ver:' ''We have to immobilize the helicopters they've got. We have two fighter planes flying now to strike at any time, sir.''
'Ferdinand Marcos:' ''My order is not to attack.''
'Ver:' ''They are massing civilians near our troops and we cannot keep on withdrawing. You asked me to withdraw yesterday....''
'Marcos ''(interrupting)'':' ''My order is to disperse [them] without shooting them.''
'Ver:' ''We cannot withdraw all the time...''
'Marcos:' ''No, no, no! Hold on. You disperse the crowds without shooting them. You may use any other weapon...''
The inaugurations
On the morning of February 25, Tuesday, at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred between loyal government troops and the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the government-owned Channel 9 tower, near Channel 4, began shooting at the reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the station.
Later in the morning, Cory Aquino was inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club Filipino in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. She was sworn in as President by Senior Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee, and Laurel as Vice-President by Justice Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her oath was held by Aurora Aquino, the mother of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who was then promoted to General, Enrile, and many politicians. Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, about hundreds of people cheered and celebrated. ''Bayan Ko'' (''My Country'', a popular folk song and the unofficial national anthem) was sung after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color of Aquino's campaign for presidency.
An hour later, Marcos conducted the inauguration at Malacañang. Millions of loyalist civilians attended the ceremony, shouting "''Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin!'' (Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!)". On the Palace balcony, Marcos took his oath as the President of the Philippines, broadcast by the remaining government television channels and channel 7. None of the invited foreign dignitaries attended the ceremony for security reason (although Moscow sent a congratulatory message). First Lady Imelda Marcos sang one more rendition of ''"Dahil Sa Iyo"'' (Because of You), the couple's theme song, rather tearfully. After the inauguration, the Marcos family and their close associates hurriedly rushed to leave the Palace. The broadcast of the event was also cut off as rebel troops successfully captured the other stations.
By this time, tens of hundreds of people had amassed at the barricades along Mendiola, only a hundred meters away from Malacañang. They were prevented from storming the Palace by loyal government troops securing the area. The angry demonstrators were pacified by priests who warned them not to be violent.
Marcos' departure
The Inquirer's headline on 26 Feb., 1986, announcing to a jubilant nation the flight of Marcos.
Marcos later talked to US Senator Paul Laxalt, asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four American helicopters to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before heading on to Guam, and finally to Hawaii.
When the news of Marcos's departure reached the people, many rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators were finally able to enter Malacañang Palace, long denied to Filipinos in the past decade. Looting by overly angry protesters occurred, but mostly people wandered inside, looking at the place where all the decisions that changed the course of Philippine history had been made.
Many people around the world rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew. Bob Simon, an anchorman at Columbia Broadcasting System said, "We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy; well, tonight they are teaching the world."
Aftermath
Was it a "revolution"?
Some people have a problem with labeling this event a revolution; for many, a revolution is the violent overthrow of a reigning government. However, the term "revolution" is generally accepted to mean replacing a prior regime through extraordinary means. The EDSA Revolution was, and remains "extraordinary."
In the years since there have been several similar, largely nonviolent revolutions removing similarly unpopular regimes (in, for example, the former East Germany, the Velvet Revolution in the former Czechoslovakia, and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine), so the EDSA Revolution may seem more "authentically" revolutionary now than it did at the time, and could even perhaps be cited as the event that led, at least in part, to subsequent peaceful revolts.
According to some observers, the EDSA Revolution was little more than a coup d'état by disgruntled military officials, who attempted to overthrow Marcos and install a military junta with Corazon Aquino as a figurehead president (the power is vested in the Junta, and Enrile was supposed to be to become the president of the Junta). Instead, the coup gained the support of a civilian populace disillusioned with Marcos' regime, ultimately leading to his ouster.
Why was the revolution successful?
Many people have long debated on how millions of people were able to topple a two-decade long authoritarian rule with almost no bloodshed. Some attribute it to the Filipino character, while others claim that their unwavering presence in the rallies, especially at Mendiola, was the driving force behind the revolution. Some Americans claim that it was because of negotiations between Marcos and the U.S. Government. Still others claim that it was the Catholic Church's involvement that ultimately led to the revolution's success or just the fact that the coup leaders were able to get the support of the crowds that filled EDSA.
The event was actually quite an unprecedented event in Philippine history. It was probably the first time millions of civilians came to the aid of the military, which had long been an instrument of repression and terror.
Post-EDSA Philippines
While the EDSA Revolution is almost universally acknowledged as a great example of democracy at work, many political scientists and sociologists have commented that the Philippines has largely failed to actualize the possible gains from a fresh change in government, including the new constitution. Among the conditions cited are the overall slow growth of the Philippine economy, especially compared to that of other nearby Southeast Asian countries, the essentially unchanged political atmosphere in the country, and the general feeling of worsening living conditions, especially among the poor sectors of society.
Many people, particularly vocal activist groups and non-governmental organizations, have decried the return to power of many of the individuals associated with the Marcos regime. Many would also argue that the run of politics in the country did not change, only the politicians. Nepotism is still widespread, with many places in the Philippines being bailiwicks of local political dynasties. The concept of the ''trapo'' (rag) or the "traditional politician", which is a term used to describe an old, corrupt politician who clings to power, have solidified in the administrations after Marcos. Essentially, the EDSA Revolution served to replace the old ''trapos'' with new and opportunistic ones who immediately denounced the Marcos regime for their own gains in the 1987 elections.
Some political scientists have even said that the Philippines today is one of the worst examples of a democratic state; that the Philippines is still not ready for true democracy. Some Filipinos have labeled Philippine democracy as ''the tyranny of the masses'', ''mob rule'', or Ochlocracy. Traditional politicians cling to old posts, while Filipinos have frequently voted into office movie and TV actors and actresses, and other celebrities, whether they were capable or not. One critic called this phenomenon a "showbiztocracy".
While the EDSA Revolution drove out a strongman, the situation that emerged is, according to critics, even worse. Evidence of this may be seen in today's Philippine society, which has been polarized. Another, the 1987 Constitution adopted after Marcos' ouster left future Presidents vulnerable to "revolutions" such as this one, as evidenced by former President Joseph Estrada's ouster, and the many attempts to oust President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. The constitutionality of the Revolution was also disputed because the historic events, from the snap election to the Revolution, up to the exile of Marcos, were done through extra-constitutional means. This has become a moot point since a new constitution was adopted in 1987.
Bibliography
★ Mercado, Paul Sagmayao, and Tatad, Francisco S. ''People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986: An eyewitness history.'' Manila, Philippines. The James B. Reuter, S.J., Foundation. 1986.
★ Baron, Cynthia S. and Suazo, Melba M. ''Nine Letters: The Story of the 1986 Filipino Revolution.'' Quezon City, Philippines. Gerardo P. Baron Books. 1986
★ Schock, Kurt. ''Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies.'' Minneapolis, USA. University of Minnesota Press. 2005.
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