FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA

(Redirected from FR Yugoslavia)

The 'Federal Republic of Yugoslavia' ( / ''Savezna Republika Jugoslavija'') or 'FRY' was a federal state consisting of the republics of Serbia and Montenegro from the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), created after the other four republics broke away from Yugoslavia amid rising ethnic tensions. The state existed from 1992 to 2003, when it was reconstituted as a State Union of Serbia and Montenegro which itself was dissolved three years later, when a referendum for independence in Montenegro resulted in the majority of Montenegrins supporting separation from Serbia. This resulted in both Montenegro and Serbia becoming independent countries.
With the separation of other republics from the former SFRY, the FRY was far more ethnically homogeneous. The state's two main ethnic groups, Serbs and Montenegrins, were almost ethnically identical, though nationalist strains amongst Montenegrins claim that they constitute an ethnic derivative of their own, while others, especially those who support union with Serbia claim that Montenegrins are a sub-group of Serbs. Ethnic minorities included Albanians, Hungarians, Romanians, and other smaller groups. Ethnic tensions and conflict between Serbs and ethnic Albanians in the province of Kosovo was a serious and ongoing problem in the FRY throughout its existence.

Contents

History

The FRY and the Yugoslav Wars

Growing Separatism

Kosovo War

Ousting of Milošević and the Final Years of the Federal Republic

The creation of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro

International Criticism of the Federal Republic

Criticisms of the State

Response to Criticisms of the State

Divisions

Politics

Economy

Reference

History

With the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1991 and 1992, only Serbia and Montenegro agreed to maintain the Yugoslav state, and established a new constitution for a new Yugoslavia in 1992. With the collapse of communism across Eastern Europe, the new state followed the wave of change, and did not revive Communist party structure (which had already been dissolved in 1991). It abandoned communist symbolism: the red star was removed from the national flag, and the communist coat of arms was replaced the with a double-headed eagle with the arms of both Serbia and Montenegro within it. Further changes included the subsequent rebranding of the police, from ''Milicija'' (Милиција) as they were hitherto known (lit. ''militia'') to ''Policija'' (Полиција); the two republics would each have their respective force. The new state also abandoned the collective presidency of the former SFRY and replaced it with the system consisting of a single president, who would be democratically elected, as well as a democratically elected parliament.

The FRY and the Yugoslav Wars

The FRY was suspended from a number of international institutions. This was due to the ongoing Yugoslav wars during the 1990s, which had prevented agreement being reached on the disposition of federal assets and liabilities, particularly the national debt. The Government of Yugoslavia supported Croatian and Bosnian Serbs in the wars from 1991 to 1995. Because of that, the country was under economical and political sanctions, which resulted in economical disaster that forced thousands of its young citizens to emigrate from the country.
In a BBC documentary, called the ''Death of Yugoslavia'', Yugoslav official Borisav Jović revealed that the Bosnian Serb army was created to replace the Yugoslav army forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a way to avoid international condemnation of it being an occupation of Bosnia by Yugoslavia. Through this, the Bosnian Serb army received extensive military equipment and full funding from the FRY, as the Bosnian Serb faction alone could not pay for the costs.[1] Also the Bosnian Serb Army was led by an ex-Yugoslav military commander, Ratko Mladić, an extremely controversial figure, who has been accused of committing war crimes in Bosnia.
In 1995, Serbian President Slobodan Milošević represented the FRY and Bosnian Serbs at peace talks in Dayton, Ohio, USA, which negotiated the end of war in Bosnia with the Dayton Agreement.

Growing Separatism

In 1996, Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović ''de facto'' severed ties between Montenegro and Serbia and formed a new economic policy and adopted the Deutsche Mark as its currency. Subsequent governments of Montenegro carried out pro-independence policies, and political tensions with Serbia simmered despite political changes in Belgrade. Also, separatist Albanian paramilitaries began steady escalation of violence in 1996. The question whether the Federal Yugoslav state would continue to exist became a very serious issue to the government.

Kosovo War

With Milošević's second and last legal term as Serbian President expiring in 1997, he ran for, and was elected President of Yugoslavia in 1997. Upon taking office, Milošević gained direct control of the Yugoslav military and security forces, and directed them to engage Kosovo separatists. The conflict escalated from 1996 to 1999 and became a civil war, known as the Kosovo War.
From March 1999, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) under the leadership of the United States waged war on Yugoslavia. NATO suspected that the Yugoslav government was committing genocide on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. This suspicion was based on the presence of Serbian ultranationalist and former paramilitary Vojislav Šešelj being Prime Minister of Yugoslavia; a fear of a repeat of atrocities similar to those committed by Serb forces in Bosnia; and suspicion of Milošević's influence in the previous war atrocities. NATO began an air campaign called Operation Allied Force against Yugoslav military forces and positions and suspected Serbian paramilitaries. The NATO campaign came under severe criticism for its attacks and many inaccurate bombings across Yugoslavia which killed many civilians. The Yugoslav government claimed the NATO attacks were a terror campaign against the country while NATO defended its actions as being legal. Some of the worst massacres against civilian Albanians by Serbian forces occurred after NATO started its bombing of Yugoslavia. Cuska massacre,^[1] Podujevo massacre,^[2] Velika Krusa massacre^[3] were some of the massacres committed by the Serbian police and paramilitaries during the war. NATO promised to end its bombings of Yugoslavia, when Milošević agreed to end the Yugoslav campaign in Kosovo and a return Kosovo's autonomy. After an array of bombings, Milošević submitted and agreed to end Yugoslavia's anti-separatist campaign in Kosovo and allowed NATO forces to occupy Kosovo.
In June 1999, after the NATO bombings ended, NATO and other troops, entered the province and organized with the controversial Albanian separatist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) paramilitaries, to maintain order. NATO's decision to cooperate with the Kosovo Liberation Army was seen by Serbs as a pro-separatist stand on Kosovo. The KLA committed a number of atrocities during the Kosovo War. Before the handover of power, some 300,000 Kosovars, mostly Serbs, were ethnically cleansed from the province. The number of Serbs in Kosovo dropped drastically as Serbs fled Kosovo, fearing persecution by the KLA which had integrated into the Kosovo security force called KFOR. Despite the controversy, the United Nations proceeded to created a mandate in Kosovo, in which the province technically remained a part of Serbia (or the FRY as it was then), but was completely autonomous. Kosovo was allowed to have its own law enforcement, its own government, and Yugoslav military forces and Serb paramilitaries were forbidden to enter. The U.N. mandate still remains in place in Kosovo today.

Ousting of Milošević and the Final Years of the Federal Republic

The aftermath of the Kosovo crisis was originally presented to the Yugoslav public as a success, where-by Kosovo will not be independent; the population soon saw that this meant something far from Kosovo remaining in Yugoslavia with an end to Albanian separatism. Now recognising the war in Kosovo as a complete failure, coupled with allegations of electoral fraud in Yugoslavia's election in 2000, nationals of Yugoslavia revolted in large numbers against the leadership of Slobodan Milošević which led to his resignation shortly afterward. In the aftermath, Vojislav Koštunica became the country's President. With the ousting of Milošević, the FRY was finally re-admitted to the United Nations in 2000 after several years of suspension (with SFRY succession talks still ongoing). Milošević was arrested in March 2001 by Yugoslav authorities for alleged corruption whilst in power, but before he could stand trial for the charges: he was transferred to UN troops on the Bosnian border and flown straight to The Hague, where he was put on trial for war crimes until his death in 2006. He had been indicted back in 1999 during the NATO airstrikes.

The creation of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro

In 2002, Serbia and Montenegro came to a new agreement regarding continued co-operation, which, among other changes, promised the end of the name Yugoslavia. From February 4, 2003, the federal parliament of Yugoslavia created a loose confederation - 'State Union of Serbia and Montenegro' (similar to the system requested by Croatian and Slovenian communist parties shortly before the downfall of the previous Yugoslavia). A new Constitutional Charter was agreed to provide a framework for the governance of the country. The State Union had a parliament and an army. Podgorica, the capital city of Montenegro, because joint official capital alongside Belgrade; as Belgrade was the commercial capital, Podgorica held the position of being the judicial capital. It was agreed that for three years beginning in 2003, neither Serbia nor Montenegro would hold a referendum on the break-up of the union. The EU's high representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana said that he was happy with the agreement, because it stopped the disintegration progress in the former Yugoslav zone. However in 2006, Montenegrins voted in favour of independence, and the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro collapsed, with Serbia declaring itself an independent nation shortly afterward, ending the last remnants of a Yugoslavia.

International Criticism of the Federal Republic

Criticisms of the State

The United Nations and many individual states, especially the United States, accepted it as constituting a state, but until the fall of Milosevic, they refused to recognize it (or the other republics ^[4]) as a successor of the former Yugoslavia. The United States and other governments including the state's critics and opponents regarded the FRY as being a "Greater Serbia" for a number of key reasons:

★ 1. It was dominated by Serbia: the capital city was Belgrade and the Serb population composed a two-third majority, whilst Montenegro contributed little in the way of international political affairs involving the FRY.

★ 2. The support of Serb territories breaking away from Bosnia & Herzegovina and Croatia to join the FRY by supplying money and military equipment to Serb forces there, whilst showing little immediate interest in regaining former SFRY areas which contained few or no Serbs (such as Slovenia and Macedonia which separated from the SFRY in 1991), was being viewed that the state was a "Greater Serbia".

★ 3. Slobodan Milošević - for the 1992 to 1997 period - was seen to be ''de facto'' leader of Yugoslavia prior to becoming Yugoslavia's president in 1997. Critics regarded Yugoslavia's federal presidents as having little power, and that the only key asset the position had, the authorization of military force, was hampered by Serbian numerical hegemony in the military, which made independent military decision-making by the federal government impossible without Serbian approval.

★ 4. Momir Bulatović - Critics claimed that Montenegro's president from 1990 to 1998, Momir Bulatović, was a puppet of Milosevic.

Response to Criticisms of the State

The counter to the "Greater Serbia" argument about the FRY include that the new country was a federation which did not annex Montenegro directly part of Serbia when it could have with the rise of nationalism in Serbia. Also, the two republics internally continued to conduct their own affairs; neither interfering with the other (eg. there was a national army, but the two republics had individual police forces). President Bulatović, while allied with Milosevic, was put into power by a popular revolt in Montenegro, and in 1991, he almost decided to separate Montenegro from Yugoslavia after the Italian government offered Montenegro significant amounts of money and the possibility of quick access to the European Community if it did, but eventually declined due to pressure from the Yugoslav government.
As Serbs did made up the core of the land, it made sense that Belgrade would offer support to ethnic Serbs in conflict in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the Serbian administered territories of Croatia at all times existed as a separate national entity, rather than an exclave of the Republic of Serbia, though they kept in close contact with the Serbian government and the government of Yugoslavia. The unrecognised Republic of Serbian Krajina functioned as an independent country with its own currency, education system and infrastructure. The presidency and police were from the local population, it was recognised by the local population, and following the disbanding of the JNA (which predated the formation of the FRY), there was at no time time a presence of pro-Belgrade peacekeepers, troops or other monitors watching over the province. Closer to home, had the country been created by enthusiasts of Greater Serbia, there was nothing preventing the simple declaration of an independent Serbia, rather than Yugoslavia; followed by the instant removal of Montenegro's republic status as indeed Serbian nationalists do not recognise the territory as anything more than a province. Also recognition of the Republic of Macedonia by Yugoslavia did not meet with the traditional rhetoric of Serb nationalists who saw Macedonia as unredeemed Serbian territory with no such existence of a Macedonian ethnicity. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's government maintained healthy diplomatic relations with Macedonia's first president Kiro Gligorov.
However the diplomatic scenario in the early to mid 1990s between Serbian President Milosevic and Yugoslav officials has shown that Milosevic clearly was the dominant figure in Yugoslavia, as foreign officials often met with Milosevic rather than Yugoslavia's presidents. Also, Yugoslav officials who on paper had greater authority than Milosevic, such as Borisav Jovic who was associated with the federal Yugoslav government, often relied on Milosevic's permission before putting through actions, as Jovic himself spoke of Milosevic's decisions in the Yugoslav crisis, including decisions made after the FRY's inception in 1992, as Jovic described the events during the BBC documentary, the ''Death of Yugoslavia''.[2] Milosevic himself was not a hardline nationalist, but had been a member of the communist establishment of the Socialist Republic of Serbia. During his rise to power, he had coupled degrees of Serb nationalism and populism into his political affairs and had promised to protect the Serb people across Yugoslavia from persecution and injustice, this went beyond his official duties as the leading official of the territory composing Serbia. The name of the state itself, "Yugoslavia", and Yugoslavia's territorial history was sufficient enough for the government to lay a legally justifiable claim to any region of the former SFRY that wanted to remain part of the country, and those areas were largely populated by Serbs. Therefore, change in the structure of the country was unnecessary, as the name "Yugoslavia" itself could be used to entitle the Serb-dominated FRY government to lay claim to any region of the former SFRY rather than the debatable borders of what a Greater Serbia would constitute. Also the FRY establishment did not wish to aggravate those Montenegrins who supported the Yugoslav state and political union with Serbia.
The fact that the federation did not aim to recapture all the former Yugoslav territories, some have argued to have been down to a more moderate approach in accepting that the population of most regions wished to remain outside it. By this point with wars in Croatia, Bosnia, such a possibility of a full return of the former republics was almost impossible in the immediate circumstances. Also the rise of Serb ultranationalism under the Serbian Radical Party led by Vojislav Šešelj resulted in the appointment of Šešelj as Yugoslav Prime Minister, further hampered any possibility of the former republics from rejoining.

Divisions

The FRY was composed of four principal political units, consisting of two republics and two subordinate autonomous provinces:


★ 'Serbia' (capital: Belgrade)

★
★ Vojvodina – autonomous province within Serbia (capital: Novi Sad)

★
★ Kosovo and Metohia – autonomous province under United Nations administration after Kosovo War (capital: Priština)


★ 'Montenegro' (capital: Podgorica)

Politics

The Federal Assembly of FRY was composed out of two Domes: the Council of Citizens and the Council of Republics. Whereas the Council of Citizens serves as an ordinary Assembly, representing the people of FRY, the Council of Republics was made equally by representatives from the Federation's constituent republics, to ensure Federal equality.

Economy

Mismanagement of the economy, an extended period of economic sanctions, and the damage to Yugoslavia's infrastructure and industry caused by the Kosovo War left the economy only half the size it was in 1990. Since the ousting of former Federal Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević in October 2000, the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) coalition government has implemented stabilization measures and embarked on an aggressive market reform program. After renewing its membership in the International Monetary Fund in December 2000, Yugoslavia continued to reintegrate into the international community by rejoining the World Bank (IBRD) and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD).
The smaller republic of Montenegro severed its economy from federal control and from Serbia during the Milošević era. Since then, the two republics had separate central banks, different currencies - Montenegro adopted the euro, while Serbia used the Serbian dinar as official currency.
The complexity of the FRY's political relationships, slow progress in privatisation, and stagnation in the European economy were detrimental to the economy. Arrangements with the IMF, especially requirements for fiscal discipline, were an important element in policy formation. Severe unemployment was a key political economic problem. Corruption also presented a major problem, with a large black market and a high degree of criminal involvement in the formal economy.

Reference

1. http://americanradioworks.publicradio.org/features/kosovo/cuska/cuska_frameset.html
2. http://www.cbc.ca/news/background/balkans/crimesandcourage.html
3. http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/inside_kosovo/velika_krusa.stm
4. 767 Third Avenue Associates v. United States: BRIEF FOR AMICUS CURIAE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA SUPPORTING APPELLEES AND SUPPORTING AFFIRMANCE IN PART AND REVERSAL IN PART White, Mary Jo