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Grand Ayatollah 'Hossein Ali Montazeri' (Persian: حسین علی منتظری), styled 'His Honourable Eminence', (born in 1922), was one of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. He is best known as the one-time designated successor to the revolution's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini who fell out with Khomeini in 1989 over government policies that Montazeri claimed infringed on freedom and denied people's rights. He currently lives in the holy city of Qom, and remains politically influential in Iran, especially upon reformist politics.^[1]

Contents

Early Life and public career

Islamic revolution

Dispute with Khomeini and demotion

Later dissent and house arrest

Iran's constitution and Hostage crisis

Criticism of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad

Criticism of Iranian Government Policies

Reputation

Quotes

References

Further reading

See also

External links

Early Life and public career

Montazeri is from a peasant family near Najafabad^[2] a city in Isfahan Province in Iran. He studied with Khomeini -- who had once called Montazeri "the fruit of my life" -- at Qom and went on to become a teacher at Faiziyeh Theological School there. While there he answered Khomeini's call to protest the White Revolution of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in 1963.
After Khomeini was forced into exile by the Shah, Montazeri "sat at the center of the clerical network" Khomeini established to fight Pahlavi rule. He was sent to prison in 1974 and released in 1978 in time to be active during the revolution.^[3]

Islamic revolution

Although Montazeri is now famous as an Islamic jurist who was made to pay for his liberal-leaning beliefs, during the revolution he was a strong supporter of Khomeini's idea of theocracy by velayat-e faqih. He is the author of ''Dirasat fi Vilayah al-Faqih'', a scholarly book advocating rule by Islamic jurists under the principle velayat-e faqih.^[4]
In 1979, following the overthrow of the Shah, he played a pivotal role in instituting Iran's theocracy. He was one of the leaders of the movement to replace the relatively democratic and secular draft constitution proposed for the Islamic Republic with one where Islamic jurists were dominant. He distributed "a detailed commentary and alternate draft" for Iran's new constitution. It included proposals to specify that Twelver Shi'ism -- and not Islam in general -- was the official religion of the state; for Islamic jurists to appoint judges, have the right of veto over all laws passed by parliament and all candidates for president; and to forbid women to serve as judges or governors and forbid gender equality in general.^[5] Later he served on the Assembly of Experts (''Majles-e-Khobregan'') that wrote the constitution and implemented many of his proposals.
During this time Montazeri also served as Friday prayer leader of Qom, as a member of the Revolutionary Council and as deputy to Supreme Leader Khomeini. Khomeini began "to transfer some of his power" to Montazeri, in 1980. By 1983 "all government offices hung a small picture" of Montazeri next to that of Khomeini.
After Khomeini indicated he wished Montazeri to be his successor Montazeri initially rejected this idea insisting that the choice of successor be left to the Assembly of Experts^[6] Montazeri relented though and following a session of the Assembly of Experts that November,^[7] he was designated Khomeini's successor as Supreme Leader.
Some observers believe Khomeini chose him for this role solely because of his support for Khomeini's principle of theocratic rule by Islamic jurists. Theocracy by velayat-e faqih called for the most learned, or one of the most learned, Islamic jurists to rule, and of all those who might be considered a leading Islamic jurist only Montazeri supported theocracy.
:... Montazeri fell short of the theological requirements of the Faqih. He could not claim descent from the Prophet nor did he possess the credentials of a revered scholar of Islamic law. His religious followers were few. And he lacked the all-important charisma. His selection had happened for one reason - he was the only one among the candidates for Faqih who totally endorsed Khomeini's vision of Islamic government.

Dispute with Khomeini and demotion

As designated heir to Khomeini, Montazeri's troubles began with his association with Mehdi Hashemi who ran an organization out of Montazeri's office to export the Islamic revolution. Mehdi Hashemi is thought to have embarrassed Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani by leaking information of his connection with the Iran Contra affair. Subsequently Mehdi Hashemi was arrested, convicted and executed in 1987 on charges of counterrevolutionary activities.^[8]
In November 1987 Montazeri created more controversy when he called for the legalization of political parties, though under strict regulation.^[9] He followed this by calling for "an open assessment of failures" of the Revolution and an end to export of revolution, claiming Iran should inspire by example not train and arm allied groups. Khomeini responded the next February by criticizing Montazeri and a month later called for a meeting of the Assembly of Experts to "discuss him."
Things came to a head following the mass execution of thousands of Mojahedin and other political prisoners in late summer and early autumn 1988. Montazeri gave a series of lectures in which he indicated support for a "far more open" policy ^[10] and in an interview published in ''Keyhan'' in early 1989, criticized Khomeini in language that is said to have sealed "his political fate":
:The denial of people's rights, injustice and disregard for the revolution's true values have delivered the most severe blows against the revolution. Before any reconstruction [takes place], there must first be a political and ideological reconstruction . . . This is something that the people expect of a leader. Still worse was the publication abroad and broadcast on BBC of his letters condemning post-war wave of executions in March.^[11] Montazeri also criticized Khomeini's fatwa ordering the killing of author Salman Rushdie saying: "People in the world are getting the idea that our business in Iran is just murdering people."^[12]
On March 26 1989 a furious Khomeini strongly denounced Montazeri's actions, and two days later announced that Montazeri had resigned his post.^[13] Montazeri did not protest his loss, issuing a message concluding, "I ask all brothers and sister not to utter a word in my support."^[14]
In addition to losing his position as designated heir, Montazeri's title of Grand Ayatollah was withdrawn, publication of his lecture in the ''Keyhan'' newspaper and reference to him on the state radio stopped, his portraits were collected from offices and mosques, and his security guards were withdrawn. "Articles and editorials appear in various newspapers aimed at dismantling" Montazeri's "impeccable" revolutionary credentials."^[15]
Some have claimed that the amendment made to Iran's constitution removing the requirement that the Supreme Leader to be a Marja, was to deal with the problem of a lack of any remaining Grand Ayatollahs willing to accept "illimitable velayat-e faqih"^[16][17]. However, others say the reason marjas were not elected was because of their lack of votes in the Assembly of Experts, for example Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Golpaygani had the backing of only 13 members of the assembly. Furthermore, there were other marjas present who accepted "illimitable velayat-e faqih"^[18][19]

Later dissent and house arrest

Khomeini died that June and another cleric, Seyed Ali Khamene'i, was selected by the Assembly of Experts to be the new Supreme Leader. Khamene'i had been only a mid-ranking Hojatoleslam before Montazeri's removal. His promotion was sometimes silently and sometimes openly rejected by many Shi'a,^[20] including Montazeri.
In December 1989 Montazeri's supporters in Qom distributed "night letters" questioning Khamene'i's qualifications to be a Marja e Taqlid ("Source of Emulation"), or in other words, an Ayatollah. In retaliation Revolutionary Guards "detained and humiliated" Montazeri, "forcing him to wear his nightcap rather than his white turban."
In October 1997, Ayatollah Montazeri was placed under house arrest, started with the excuse of protecting him from hardliners, after openly criticizing the authority of the Iranian Supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei. This condition ended in 2003^[21]<^[22] after "more than 100 Iranian legislators" called on President Khatami to free Montazeri. Some thought that the government lifted the house arrest to avoid the possibility of a popular backlash from the ailing Montazeri dying while in custody.^[23]

Iran's constitution and Hostage crisis

In 2005 Hossein Montazeri claimed that Iran's constitution was being abused to deny the president real power, giving him responsibilities while others had the real power." This, he claimed, was "why young Iranians do not want to cast their votes".
In his transformation from top-level insider to dissident cleric of the Islamic Republic, Montazeri has reversed some of his views. Montazeri originally endorsed the 1979-81 Iran hostage crisis, but in 2005 conceded that it was a mistake.

Criticism of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad

On January 22, 2007, Grand Ayatollah Montazeri criticized Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for his nuclear and economic policies^[24][25].
While agreeing that nuclear energy is Iran's right, he criticized Ahmadinejad's aggressive approach to the issue, saying, "One has to deal with the enemy with wisdom, not provoke it, ... his (provocation) only creates problems for the country." Montazeri also asked, "Don't we have other rights too?"
Montazeri also criticized Ahmadinejad's administration for economic problems, such as a 50% increase in housing costs, and for rising inflation, arguing that a country cannot be run on "slogans".^[26]

Criticism of Iranian Government Policies

On January 27, 2007, Ayatollah Montazeri called for the opening of Iranian politics to opposition groups, and the emancipation of people wrongly jailed for political purposes.

Reputation

Montazeri has been described by his allies as "brilliant," down-to-earth, unpretentious, plain spoken, and as one who "lives plainly, and equates Islam with social justice" and stays above political infighting. His detractors have portrayed him as stubborn and naive in his insistence that the Islamic republic find reconciliation with the "Hypocrites and Liberals" who are its "internal enemies."

Quotes

''On freedom:'' "Either officials change their methods and give freedom to the people, and stop interfering in elections, or the people will rise up with another revolution ... There is no freedom, repression is carried out in the name of Islam, and that turns people off ... All these court summonses, newspaper closings and prosecutions of dissidents are wrong. These are the same things that were done under the Shah and are now being repeated. And now they are done in the name of Islam and therefore alienate people."
''On gender:'' "Men in general (no'-e mard ha), all things considered, are productively more active -- both intellectual activities and practical activities. If one man is a drug addict, that does not change the situation. Law must follow the practice of the majority of people. All things considered, the intellectual and practical activities of men are more than women. You should not take the example of one drug-addict as measure. Yes, it is also possible that a woman might become a professor, and might be much more capable of many men, but in general, we have to consider the overall situation."^[27]
''On the economy:'' "Some countries don't have oil and gas. Yet, they run their country and stand on their own. We have so much oil and gas but make useless expenditures work for others and don't think of our own people's problems and the price of basic commodities go higher and higher every day."^[28]

References

1.
2. Who Rules Iran?, Christopher de Bellaigui, , , The New York Review of Books, 2002-06-27
3. The Iranians: Persia, Islam and the Soul of a Nation, , Sandra, Mackey, Plume Book, , ISBN 0452275636
4. Theology of Discontent: The Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, , Hamid, Dabashi, Transaction Publishers, , ISBN 1412805163
5. The Reign of the Ayatollahs, , Shaul, Bakhash, Basic Books, , ISBN 046506888X
6. Kayhan, quoted in Reinventing Khomeini : the struggle for reform in Iran, , Daniel, Brumberg, University of Chicago Press, , ISBN 0226077578
7. Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah, , Baqer, Moin, Thomas Dunne Books, , ISBN 0312264909
8. Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution, , Nikki R., Keddie, Yale University Press, , ISBN 0300098561
9. Moin, ''op. cit.'', 277.
10. Moin, ''op. cit'', 279.
11. Moin, ''op. cit.'', 287.
12. The last great revolution : turmoil and transformation in Iran, , Robin B., Wright, A. A. Knopf, , ISBN 0375406395
13.
14. Moin, ''op. cit.'', 289.
15. Moin, ''op. cit.'', 290-1.
16. Moin, ''op. cit.'', 293.
17. The Failure of Political Islam, , Olivier, Roy, Harvard University Press, , ISBN 0674291409
18. [1]
19. http://aftabnews.ir/vdchmzn23-nkm.html
20. Keddie, ''op. cit.'', 262.
21.
22.
23. Keddie, ''op. cit.'', 283.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.

Further reading

★ "Khaterat e Hojat-ol-eslam val-moslemin Dorri Najaf Abadi", Dorri Najaf Abadi, Ghorban-Ali, , , IDRC (Iran Revolution Document Center), 2005,

★ Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution, Keddie, Nikki, , , Yale University Press, 2003,

★ The Iranians: Persia, Islam and the Soul of a Nation, Mackey, Sandra, , , Dutton, 1996,

★ Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah, Moin, Baqer, , , Thomas Dunne Books, 2000,

★ "Khaterat", Montazeri,Hossein-Ali, , , , 2000,

See also

★ Mahmoud Taleghani

★ 1988 massacre of Iranian prisoners

External links

★ Office of Ayatollah Montazeri, Qom

★ Leadership & legitimacy: ''The controversy among the clergy over who should lead the Islamic state''

★ Interview with Ayatollah Montazeri by Golbarg Bashi

★ BBC Profile.