SLAVERY IN ANCIENT GREECE

'Slavery' was an essential component throughout the development of 'Ancient Greece'.
Most of the ancients considered it not only essential, but quite natural: neither the Stoics nor Early Christians called the practice into question. Notwithstanding this, as early as the 4th century BC, some isolated debate begins to appear (notably Plato — see below).
Conforming to modern history practice, this article will discuss only 'chattel slavery' (as opposed to dependent groups, such as the Penestai of Thessaly, the Spartan Helots or the Clarotes of Crete). The chattel slave is an individual deprived of liberty and forced to submit to a proprietor who may buy, sell, or lease them as any chattel good.

The study of slavery in Ancient Greece poses a number of significant methodological problems. Documentation is disparate and very fragmented, concentrating on the city of Athens. There is no treatise devoted specifically to the subject. Judicial activities of the 4th century BC were interested in slavery only insofar as a source of revenue.

In the arts, comedy represented slaves of comedy; Greek tragedy the slaves of tragedy. In iconography or on steles, it is difficult to differentiate a slave from an craftsman with certainty. Even the terminology is often vague (see below).

Contents

Terminology

Origins of Slavery

Economic role

Demographics

Population

Sources of supply

War

Piracy and banditry

International trade

Natural growth

Status of Slaves

Athenian slaves

Slaves in Gortyn

A specific case: slavery for debt

Manumission

Spartan slaves?

Slavery conditions

Views of Greek slavery

Historical views

Modern views

See also

Notes

References

Bibliography

External links

Terminology

The Ancient Greeks had many words to describe slaves, though many need to be placed in proper context to avoid ambiguity. In the language of Homer, the slave was called / ''dmôs''. In a military context, the term indicates "prisoner" in the context of booty or plunder; in other words, property. During the classical period, they used / ''andrápodon'' (literally "one with the feet of a man", as opposed to / ''tetrapodon'', the quadruped, or livestock). The most common word is undoubtedly / ''doûlos'' (an earlier form of which appears in Mycenaean inscriptions as ''do-e-ro''^[1]), used in opposition to free man ( / ''eleútheros''); it can be used metaphorically for other forms of dominion, as of one city over another, or parents over their children. ^[2]. There are also instances in which the Greeks saw a spectrum from slavery to citizenship, the highest legitimate right.^[3] Finally, the term / ''oikétês'' was used; meaning literally, "he who lives in the home", or, by extension "domestic".

Other terms used were less precise and required context:

★ / ''therápôn'' : at the time of Homer, the word meant "equerry" (Patroclus was referred to as the ''therapôn'' of Achilles and Meriones that of Idomeneus); during the classical age, it meant "servant";

★ / ''akólouthos'', literally, "the follower" or "the one who accompanies";

★ / ''pais'', literally "child", used in the same way "boy" can be used in a derogatory way;

★ / ''sôma'', literally "body", used in the context of emancipation.

Origins of Slavery

The time period when slavery appeared is unknown, if indeed there was a single time period. Defeated enemies in warfare were a source of slaves from the earliest recorded times. The presence of slaves is confirmed in the Mycenaean civilization. According to tablets from Pylos, 140 ''do-e-ro'' can be identified with certainty. It is possible to distinguish two legal categories: "common" slaves, and "slaves of the god" (''te-o-jo do-e-ro'' i.e. θεοιο), the god in this case probably being Poseidon. Slaves of the god are always mentioned by name and own their own land; their legal treatment is close to that of freemen. The nature and origin of their bond to the divinity are unclear^[4]. As for the other and based on the ethnicity of their names, some of them came from Kythera, Chios, Lemnos or even Halicarnassus, and were probably enslaved as a result of piracy. The tablets indicate that unions between slaves and non-slaves were not uncommon, that slaves could be independent artisans, and that they could even retain plots of land. In fact, it appears that the major division in Mycenaean civilization was not whether one was free or enslaved, but whether one was a dependent of the palace or not^[5].

In the time of Homer when social structures reflected those of the Greek dark ages, there is no continuity with the Mycenaean era. There was even a different terminology; however, Homer is written in a different dialect — or rather combination of dialects — than were the Mycenaean tablets, which may account for this. The slave is no longer ''do-e-ro'' (doulos), but ''dmôs''. In the Iliad, as well as the Odyssey slaves are above all women taken as booty of war, while men were either ransomed or killed on the field of battle. These women were servants and sometimes concubines. There were some male slaves, above all in the Odyssey: a prime example being the swineherd Eumaeus. The slave was distinctive in being a member of the core part of the ''oikos'' (family unit, household). The term ''dmôs'' is not considered pejorative and Eumaeus, the "divine" swineherd benefits from the same Homeric praise as the Greek heroes. In spite of this, slavery remains a disgrace. Eumaeus himself declares that, "Nay, thralls are no more inclined to honest service when their masters have lost the dominion, for Zeus, of the far-borne voice, takes away the half of a man's virtue, when the day of slavery comes upon him."
^[6]
During this period it is difficult to determine when slave trading commenced. In "''Works and Days''" of the 8th century BC, it is apparent that Hesiod owns numerous ''dmôes'', although their status is unclear. The presence of ''douloi'' is confirmed by lyric poets such as Archilochus or Theognis of Megara^[7]. According to tradition the homicide law of Draco of 620 BC mentioned slaves. According to Plutarch in his ''"Life of Solon", I,6'', Solon around 594-593 BC forbade slaves from practising gymnastics and pederasty. By the end of this era references become more common. It is at the moment that Solon establishes the basis for Athenian democracy that slavery is made indispensable. Moses Finley likewise remarks that Chios, which — according to Theopompus^[8] — was the first city to have a slave trade, also saw an early democratization, in the 6th century BC. And, he concludes "one of the aspects of Greek history is, in short, the advance, hand-in-hand of liberty ''and'' slavery." ^[9]

Economic role

Properly speaking there was no such thing as a servile act. All acts were open to being carried out by a slave with the exception of politics, the only activity over which citizens had a monopoly. Moreover for the Greeks, politics was the only activity deserving of the dignity of a citizen; the rest having been abandoned where ever possible to non-citizenscitoyens^[10]. It was status that was of importance, not activity.

The principal activity using slaves was agriculture, the foundation of the Greek economy. Some small landowners could own one slave, or even two^[11]. An abundant literature of manuals for landowners (such as ''the economy'' of Xenophon or that of Pseudo-Aristotle) confirms the presence of dozens of slaves on the larger estates; they could be common labourers or foremen. The extent to which slaves were used as labour force in farming is still disputed^[12]. It is however certain on one hand that rural slavery was very common in Athens, and in the other hand, that Ancient Greece did not know of the immense slave populations found on the Roman ''latifundia''^[13].

In the mines and quarries, slave labour was by far the most important. Here one finds large slave populations, often leased by rich private citizens. As such the strategos Nicias leased a thousand slaves to the silver mines of Laurion, in Attica; Hipponicos 600 and Philomidès, 300. Xenophon (''On Revenues'') indicates that they received one obolus per slave per day, i.e. 60 drachmas per year. It was one of the most prized investments for Athenians. The number of working at the Laurion mines or at the mills processing ore can be estimated at 30,000^[14]. Xenophon even suggests that the city buy a large number of slave, up to three state slaves per citizen, so that their leasing would assure the upkeep of all citizens.

Slaves were also used as craftsmen and tradespersons. As in agriculture, they were used for labour which was beyond the capability of the family. Nevertheless, the slave population was most important in the workshops. The shield factory of Lysias employed 120 slaves^[15] and the father of Demosthenes owned 32 cutlers and 20 bedmakers^[16].

Finally, slaves were also employed in the home. The domestic's main role was to replace the master in his trade and to accompany him on his trips. In times of war, he was the batman to the hoplite. The female slave carried out domestic tasks, in particular bread baking and textile making. Only the poorest citizens did not possess a domestic slave^[17].

Demographics

Population

It is difficult to estimate the number of slaves in ancient Greece, given the lack of a precise census and variations in definitions during that era.

It is certain that Athens had the largest slave population with as many as 80,000 in the 5th and 6th century BC^[18], with on average three or four slaves per household. In the 5th century BC, Thucydides remarks upon the desertion of 20,000 slaves during the war of Decelea, mostly tradesmen. The lowest estimate, of 20,000 slaves during the time of Demosthenes^[19] corresponds to one slave per family. Finally, between 317 BC and 307 BC, the tyrant Demetrius Phalereus ordered^[20] a general census of Attica which arrived at the following figures: 21,000 citizens, 10,000 Metics and 400,000 slaves. The orator Hypereides, in his ''Against Aristogiton'', recalls that the effort to enroll 150,000 slaves (males of military age) led to the defeat of the Greeks at the Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC), which corresponds to the figures of Ctesicles.

According to the literature, it appears that the majority of Athenians owned at least one slave. Aristophanes in ''Plutus'' pictures poor peasants who have several slaves; Aristotle defines a house as containing freemen and slaves (''Politics'', 252a26–b15). Conversely, not owning even one slave was a clear sign of poverty. In the celebrated discourse of Lysias, ''For the Invalid'', a cripple pleading for a pension explains "my income is very small and now I'm required to do these things myself and do not even have the means to purchase a slave who can do these things for me." Nevertheless, the huge slave populations of the Romans were unknown to the Greeks. When Athenaeus (VI, 264d) cites the case of Mnason, friend of Aristotle and owner of a thousand slaves, this appears to be exceptional. Plato (owner of five slaves at the time of his death), describes the very rich as owning 50 slaves (''Republic'', IX, 578d–e).

In terms of density, Thucydides (VIII, 40, 2) estimates that the isle of Chios had proportionally the largest number of slaves.

Sources of supply

There were four primary sources of slaves: war, piracy (at sea), banditry (on land), and international trade.

War

In the war customs of the period, the victor possessed absolute rights over the vanquished, whether they were soldiers or not^[21]. Enslavement, while not systematic, was common practice. Thucydides (VI, 62 and VII, 13) recalls that 7000 inhabitants of Hyccara in Sicily were taken prisoner by Nicias and sold for 120 talents in the neighbouring village of Catania. Likewise in 348 BC the population of Olynthus was reduced to slavery, as was that of Thebes in 335 BC by Alexander the Great, and that of Mantineia by the Achaean League^[22].

The existence of Greek slaves was a constant source of discomfort for free Greeks. The enslavement of cities was also a very contested practice. Some generals refused, such as the Spartans Agesilaus II (Plutarch, ''Life of Agesilaus'', VII, 6) and also Callicratidas (Xenophon, ''Hellenica'', I, 6, 14). Some cities passed accords to forbid the practice: in the middle of the 3rd century BC, Milet convened not to reduce any free Knossian to slavery, and vice versa²². The emancipation by means of ransom of a city which had been entirely reduced to slavery was conversely very prestigious: Cassander, in 316 BC, restored Thebes (Diodorus Siculus, 29:53,2). Before him, Philip II of Macedon successively enslaved and then emancipated Stageira (Plutarch, ''Life of Alexander'', 7:3).

Piracy and banditry

War provided a significant and consistent supply of slaves. The same went for piracy and brigandage, though the significance of this varied according to era and region ^[23]. Pirates and brigands would demand ransom whenever the status of their catch warranted it. Whenever ransom was not paid, or was not warranted, they would be sold to a trafficker. As such, nobody was immune from falling into servitude. In certain areas, piracy was practically a national specialty; qualified by Thucydides as "the old-fashioned" way of life (I, 5, 3): such was the case of Acarnania, Crete as well as Aetolia. Outside of Greece, this was also the case with Illyrians, Phoenicians and Etruscans. During the Hellenistic period, Cilicians and the mountain peoples from the coasts of Anatolia could also be added to the list. Strabo explains the popularity of the practice amongst the Cilicians by its profitability: Delos, not far away, allowed for "moving a myriad of slaves daily" (XIV, 5, 2). The growing influence of the Roman Empire, a large consumer of slaves, led to development of the market and aggravation of piracy. In the 1st century BC, however, the Romans eradicated piracy to protect the Mediterranean trade routes.

International trade

Amongst others, a slave trade existed with neighbouring barbarians: Thracians, Scythians, Cappadocians, Paphlagonians, etc. The mechanism was similar to that later seen in the African slave trade: local professionals sold their fellow creatures to Greek slave merchants. The principal centres of the slave trade appear to have been Ephesus, Byzantium and even Tanais, the mouth of the Don. Some barbarian slaves were victims of war or localised piracy, but others were sold by their parents (Herodotus, V, 6; Philostratus II, ''Life of Apollonius Tyana'', 18, 7, 12). There is a lack of direct evidence of slave traffic, but there is corroborating evidence. Firstly, certain nationalities are consistently and significantly represented in the slave population, such as the corps of Scythian archers employed by Athens as a police force (originally 300, but eventually nearly a thousand). Secondly, the names given to slaves in the comedies often had a geographical link; thus ''Thratta'', used by Aristophanes in ''The Wasps'', ''The Acharnians'' and ''Peace'' simply signified ''Thracian woman'' ^[24]. Finally, the nationality of a slave was a significant criterion for major purchasers; the ancient advice was not to concentrate too many slaves of the same origin in the same place, in order to limit the risk of revolt. It is also probable that, as with the Romans, certain nationalities were considered more productive as slaves than others.

The price of slaves varied in accordance with their ability. Xenophon valued a Laurion miner at 180 drachmas; in comparison a workman at major works was paid one drachma per day. Demosthenes' father's cutlers were valued at 500 to 600 drachmas each. Price was also a function of the quantity of slaves available: in the 4th century BC they were abundant and it was thus a buyer's market. A tax on sale revenues was levied by the market cities. A large slave market was organized, for instance, during the festivities at the temple of Apollo at Actium. The Acarnanian League, who was in charge of the logistics, received half of the tax product, the other half going to the city of Anactorion, of which Actium was a part^[25].

Natural growth

Curiously, it appears that the Greeks did not 'breed' their slaves—at least during the Classical Era: a large part of slaves appear to be houseborn in Hellenistic Egypt and in manumission inscriptions at Delphi^[26]. Sometimes the cause of this is natural: mines, for instance, were exclusively a male domain. On the other hand, there were many female domestic slaves. The example of black people in the American south on the other hand demonstrates that slave populations can multiply^[27]. This incongruity remains relatively unexplained.
Xenophon advised that male and female slaves should be lodged separately, that "…nor children born and bred by our domestics without our knowledge and consent–no unimportant matter, since, if the act of rearing children tends to make good servants still more loyally disposed, cohabiting but sharpens ingenuity for mischief in the bad."^[28] More simply, the explanation is no doubt economic: it is cheaper to purchase a slave than to raise one. Additionally, child birth placed the slave-mother's life at risk, and the baby was not guaranteed to survive to adulthood.

Houseborn slaves often constituted a privileged class. They were, for example, entrusted to take the children to school: they were the "pedagogues" in the first sense of the term^[29]. (cf. education in Ancient Greece). Some of them are the offspring of the master of the house: in most cities, notably Athens, a child inherits the status of its mother^[30].

Status of Slaves

The Greeks had not one but many degrees of enslavement. More precisely, there was a multitude ranging from free citizen to chattel slave, and including serfs (Penestai or Helots), disenfranchised citizens, the emancipated, bastards, and Metics. The common ground was of course the deprivation of civic rights.

Moses Finley proposed a set of criteria for different degrees of enslavement^[31]:

★ right to own property;

★ authority over the work of another;

★ power of punishment over another;

★ legal rights and duties (possibility to be arrested and/or punished arbitrarily, or to litigate);

★ familial rights and privileges (marriage, inheritance; etc.);

★ possibility of social mobility (manumission or emancipation, access to citizen rights);

★ religious rights and obligations;

★ military rights and obligations (military service as servant, heavy or light soldier, or sailor).

Athenian slaves

Athenian slaves were the property of their master (or of the state), who could dispose of them as he saw fit. He could give, sell, rent or bequeath them. A slave could have a spouse and children, but the slave family was not recognized by the state, and the master could scatter the family members any time^[32]. Slaves had no judicial rights either. A misdemeanour that would result in a fine for the free would result in a flogging for the slave; the ratio seems to have been one lash for one drachma^[33]. With several minor exceptions, the testimony of a slave was not acceptable except under torture³³. However, the slave was protected in an indirect way: if he was mistreated, the master could initiate litigation for damages and interest ( / ''dikê blabês'')³³. Conversely, a master who excessively mistreated a slave could be prosecuted by any citizen ( / ''graphê hybreôs''); this was not enacted for the sake of the slave, but to avoid violent excess ( / ''hubris'')^[34]. The same reasoning prevailed for the murder of a slave. It was the pollution of the shedding of blood that was the evil here; as such the suspect was judged by the Palladion (a court reserved for unintentional homicide cases), rather than the Areopagus, and the maximum punishment was exile, as for involuntary manslaughter³³.
However, slaves did belong to their master's household. A newly bought slave was welcomed by nuts and fruits, just like a newly wed wife³². Slaves took part in most of the civic and family cults; they were expressly invited to join the banquet of the ''Choes'', second day of the Anthesteria^[35] and were allowed initiation to the Eleusinian Mysteries³². A slave could claim asylum in a temple or at an altar, just like free men. The slaves shared the gods of their masters and could keep their own religious customs if any³⁵.
Slaves could not own property, but their masters often let them save up to purchase their freedom^[36], and records survive of slaves operating businesses by themselves, making only a fixed tax-payment to their masters. Athens also had a law forbidding the striking of slaves — if a person struck an apparent slave in Athens, that person might find himself hitting a fellow-citizen, because many citizens dressed no better. It startled other Greeks that Athenians tolerated back-chat from slaves (Old Oligarch, Constitution of the Athenians). Pausanias (writing nearly seven centuries after the event) states that Athenian slaves fought together with Athenian freemen in the Battle of Marathon, and the monuments memorialize them [1]. Plutarch mentions that during the Battle of Salamis Athenians did their best to save their "women, children and slaves".

Slaves in Gortyn

In Gortyn, according to a code engraved in stone dating to the 6th century BC slaves (''doulos'' or ''oikeus'') found themselves in a state of great dependence. Their children belonged to the master^[37]. The latter was responsible for all their offences and inversely he received amends for crimes committed against his slaves by others^[38]. In the Gortyn code where all punishment was monetary, fines for slaves were doubled when they committed a misdemeanour or felony. Conversely, an offence committed against a slave was much less expensive than offences committed against the free. As an example the rape of a free woman by a slave was punishable by a fine of 200 staters, while the rape of a non-virgin slave by another slave brought a fine of only one obolus^[39].

Nevertheless, slaves did have the right to possess a house and livestock which could be transmitted to descendants, as could clothing and house furnishings³⁸. Their family was recognized by law: they could marry, divorce, write a testament and inherit just like free men^[40].

A specific case: slavery for debt

Prior to its interdiction by Solon, Athenians practised enslavement for debt: a citizen incapable of paying his debts became enslaved to the creditor. This primarily concerned those peasants known as "hectemores", working leased land belonging to rich landowners, and unable to pay their rents. In theory, those so enslaved would be liberated when their original debts were repaid. The system was developed with variants throughout the Near East, and is cited in the Bible (Deuteronomy, 15:12–17), apparently having been formalised in Athens by Draco.

Solon put an end to it with the / ''seisakhtheia'', liberation of debts, which prevented all claim to the person by the debtor and forbade the sale of free Athenians, including by themselves. Aristotle quotes Solon thus (''Constitution of the Athenians'' XII, 4):

And many a man whom fraud or law had sold
For from his god-built land, an outcast slave,
I brought again to Athens; yea, and some,
Exiles from home through debt’s oppressive load,
Speaking no more the dear Athenian tongue,
But wandering far and wide, I brought again;
And those that here in vilest slavery
Crouched ‘neath a master’s frown, I set them free.

^[41]

Much as the vocabulary used is that of 'traditional' slavery, servitude for debt was somewhat different in that the enslaved Athenian remained an Athenian, dependent on another Athenian, in his place of birth. It is this aspect which explains the great wave of discontent with slavery of the 6th century BC, which was not intended to free all slaves; but only those enslaved by debt. The reforms of Solon did however leave two exceptions: the guardian of an unmarried woman who had lost her virginity had the right to sell her as a slave^[42]; a citizen could expose unwanted newborn children^[43].

Manumission

The practice of manumission is confirmed to have existed in Chios from the 6th century BC^[44]. It probably dates back to an earlier period, as it was an oral procedure. Informal emancipations are also confirmed in the classical period. It was sufficient to have witnesses who would escort the citizen to emancipate their slave publicly, either at the theater or before public tribunal^[45]. This practice was outlawed in Athens in the middle of the 6th century BC, in order to avoid public disorder.
The practice became more common in the 4th century BC and lead to inscriptions in stone which have been recovered from sanctuaries such as Delphi and Dodona. They primarily date to the 2nd and 1st century BC, and the 1st century AD. Collective manumission is possible: an example is known in the 2nd century BC for the island of Thasos; it probably took place in a period of war, as a reward for the slaves' loyalty^[46], but in most cases the documentation deals with a voluntary act on the part of the master (predominantly male, but from the Hellenistic period also female). The slave was often required to pay for himself for an amount at least equivalent to his street value. To do this he could either use his savings, take a loan ( / ''eranos'') from his master, a friend or a client, as was often the case for courtesan: one of the most famous examples involves the hetaera Neaira^[47]. The emancipation was often of a religious nature: where the slave was considered to be "sold" to a deity — often Delphian Apollo^[48] —, or consecrated after his emancipation. The temple would receive a portion of the monetary transaction and guarantee the contract. The manumission could also be entirely civil in which case the magistrate played the role of the deity.
The slave's freedom could be either total or partial, at the master's whim. In the former, the emancipated slave was legally protected against all attempts at re-enslavement, for instance on the part of the former master's inheritors^[49]. In the latter case, the emancipated slave could be liable to a number of obligations to the former master. The most restrictive contract was the ''paramone'', a type of enslavement of limited duration during which time the master retained practically absolute rights^[50].

In regards to the city, the emancipated slave was far from equal to a citizen of birth. He was liable to all types of obligations, as one can see from the proposals of Plato in ''The Laws'' (XI, 915 a–c): presentation three times monthly at the home of the former master, forbidden to become richer than him, etc. In fact, the status of emancipated slaves was similar to that of Metics—the residing foreigners, who were free but did not enjoy citizen rights.

Spartan slaves?

Spartan citizens used Helots, a dependent group collectively owned by the state. It is uncertain whether they had chattel-slaves as well. There are mentions of people manumitted by Spartans, which is supposedly forbidden for Helots, or sold outside of Lakonia: the poet Alcman^[51]; a Philoxenos from Cytherea, reputedly enslaved with all his fellow citizens when his city was conquered and later sold to an Athenian^[52]; a Spartan cook bought by Dionysius the Elder or by a king of Pontus, both versions being mentioned by Plutarch^[53] and the famous Spartan nurses, much appreciated by Athenian parents^[54].
Some texts mention both slaves and Helots, which tends to indicate that both are not the same thing. Pseudo-Plato in ''Alcibiades I'' names "the ownership of slaves, and notably Helots" amongst the Spartan riches^[55] and Plutarch writes about "slaves and Helots"^[56]. Finally, according to Thucydides, the agreement which ended the 464 BC revolt of Helots stated that any Messenian rebel who might hereafter be found within the Peloponnese was "to be the slave of his captor", which means that the ownership of chattel slaves was not illegal at that time.
Most historians consider that chattel slaves were indeed used in Sparta, at least after the Lacedemonian victory of 404 BC against Athens; their ownership was probably unfrequent and restricted to upper classes^[57]. As was the case in the other Greek cities, chattel slaves could be purchased at the market or taken in war.

Slavery conditions

It is difficult to appreciate the condition of Greek slaves. According to pseudo-Aristotle (''Economics'', 1344a35), the daily routine of slaves could be summed up in three words: "work, discipline, and feeding". Xenophon's advice is to treat slaves as domestic animals, that is to say punish disobedience and reward good behaviour (''Economics'', XIII, 6). For his part, Aristotle prefers to see slaves treated as children, and to use not only orders, but also recommendations, as the slave is capable of understanding reasons when they are explained (''Politics'', I, 3, 14).

Greek literature abounds with scenes of slaves being flogged: it was a means of forcing work, as was control of rations, clothing, and rest. This violence could be meted out by the master as well as the supervisor; who was possibly also a slave. Thus, at the beginning of Aristophanes' ''The Knights'' (4-5), two slaves complain of being "bruised and thrashed without respite" by their new supervisor. However, Aristophanes himself cites what is a typical old saw in Ancient Greek comedy (''Peace'', v. 743–749):

"He also dismissed those slaves who kept on running off, or deceiving someone, or getting whipped. They were always led out crying, so one of their fellow slaves could mock the bruises and ask then: 'Oh you poor miserable fellow, what's happened to your skin? Surely a huge army of lashes from a whip has fallen down on you and laid waste your back?'" ^[58]

In fact, the condition of slaves varied very much according to their status: the mine slave of Laurion lived a particularly brutal existence, while city slaves enjoyed relative independence. In return for a fee ( / ''apophora'') paid to their master, they could live and work alone. They could thus earn some money on the side; sometimes enough to purchase their freedom. Potential emancipation was in effect a powerful motivator, though the real scale of this is difficult to estimate. Pseudo-Xenophon goes so far as to deplore the liberties taken by Athenian slaves: "as for the slaves and Metics of Athens, they take the greatest licence; you cannot just strike them, and they do not step aside to give you free passage" (''Constitution of the Athenians'', I, 10).

This alleged good treatment did not prevent 20,000 Athenian slaves from running away at the end of the Peloponnesian War, on the incitement of the Spartan garrison at Attica in Decelea. And these were principally skilled artisans and tradespersons, probably amongst the better-treated slaves. Conversely, the absence of a large-scale Greek slave revolt, comparable to that of Spartacus in Rome for instance, can undoubtedly be explained by the relative dispersion of Greek slaves, which would have prevented any large-scale planning. It should be noted though that slave revolts were rare, even in Rome or the Confederate States of America^[59].

Views of Greek slavery

Historical views

No author of antiquity calls the existence of slavery into question; at most they admit that certain slaves may have been unjustly enslaved. To Homer and the pre-classical authors, slavery was an inevitable consequence of war. Heraclitus states: "War is the father of all, the king of all...he turns some into slaves and sets others free" (fragment 53).

During the classical period, the idea of "natural" slavery emerged; thus, as Aeschylus states in ''The Persians'', the Greeks "[o]f no man are they called the slaves or vassals^[60]". while the Persians, as Euripides states in (''Helen'', (v. 276) "are all slaves, except one" — the grand king. Hippocrates theorizes about this latent idea at the end of the 5th century BC: according to him, the temperate climate of Anatolia produced a placid and submissive people. This explanation is reprised by Aristotle in ''Politics'', where he develops the concept of "natural slavery": "for he that can foresee with his mind is naturally ruler and naturally master, and he that can do these things with his body is subject and naturally a slave."^[61] (I,2,2) As opposed to animals, slaves can comprehend reason but "... has not got the deliberative part at all⁶¹ (I, 13, 17)". Plato, himself reduced to slavery until emancipated by one of his friends, unusually provides an explicit condemnation of slavery in ''Menon'' by involving a slave in a philosophical discussion. Through this the slave's status as a human being in full measure is acknowledged, negating the fundamental basis of slavery.

In parallel, the concept that all men, whether Greek or barbarian, belonged to the same race was being developed by the Sophists; and thus that certain men were slaves although they had the soul of a freeman and vice versa. Aristotle himself recognized this possibility (''Politics'', I, 5, 10) and argued that slavery could not be imposed if the master was better than the slave thereby proving the concept of "natural" slavery. The sophists concluded that true servitude was not a matter of status but a matter of spirit; thus, as Menander stated, "be free in the mind, although you are slave: and thus you will no longer be a slave" (fragment 857). This idea repeated by the Stoics and the Epicurians, was not so much an opposition to slavery as trivializing it.

The Greeks could not comprehend an absence of slaves. Even in the " of Artistophanes' The Birds. The "reversed cities" placed women in power or even saw the end of private property (''Lysistrata'', ''Assemblywomen'') but could not picture slaves in charge of masters. The only societies without slaves were those of the Golden age, where all needs were met. In this type of society, as explained by Plato (''Politics'', 271a–272b), one reaped generously without sowing. In Telekleides' ''Amphictyons'', (cited by Athenaeus, 268 b–d) barley loaves fight with wheat loaves for the honour of being eaten by men. Moreover objects move themselves; dough kneads itself, and the carafe pours itself. Society without slaves is thus relegated to a different time and space. In a "normal" society one needs slaves.

Modern views

Slavery in Greek antiquity has long been an object of apologetic discourse among Christians, who awarded themselves the merit of its collapse. From the 16th century the discourse became moralizing in nature: the existence of colonial slavery had significant impact on the debate, with some authors lending it civilizing merits while others denouncing its misdeeds. Thus Henri Wallon in 1847 published a ''History of Slavery in Antiquity'' amongst his works for the abolition of slavery in the French colonies.
In the 19th century a politico-economic discourse emerged. It concerned itself with distinguishing the phases in the organization of human societies, and correctly identifying the place of Greek slavery. The influence of Marx is decisive: for him the ancient society was characterized by development of private ownership and the dominant (and not secondary as in other pre-capitalist societies) character of slavery as a mode of production. The positivists represented by the historian Eduard Meyer (''Slavery in Antiquity'', 1898) were soon to oppose the Marxist theory: according to him slavery was the foundation of Greek democracy. It was thus a legal and social phenomena, and not economic. Historiography developed thought the 20th century; led by authors such as Joseph Vogt, it saw in slavery the conditions for the development of elites. Conversely the theory also demonstrates an opportunity for slaves to join the elite. Finally, he estimates that modern society, founded on humanist values, has surpassed this level of development.

- Currently, Greek slavery remains the subject of historiographical debate; on two questions in particular. Can it be said that ancient Greece was a "slave state"? Did Greek slaves comprise a social class?

See also

★ slavery (general article)

★ various dependent groups of Greek antiquity: Helots (of Sparta), Penestai (of Thessaly), Clarotes (in Crete) ;

★ Ancient Greece

★ African slave trade

Notes

1. Mycenean transliterations can be confusing and do not directly reflect pronunciation; for clarification see Linear B
2. definition from LSJ
3. For these see especially Marie-Madeleine Mactoux: ''Douleia: Esclavage et Practiques discursives dans l'Athènes classique.'' (Paris, 1980)
4. Walter Burkert, ''Greek Religion'', Blackwell Publishing, 1985, p.45.
5. A. Mele, “Esclavage et liberté dans la société mycénienne”, proceedings of the 1973 GIREA seminar, pp.115-155.
6. XVII, 322–323. Online version of Butcher-Lang 1879 translation, http://www.robotwisdom.com/jaj/homer/odyssey.html
7. Garlan, p.43 (French edition).
8. Apud Athenaeus, 6:265bc = FGrH 115, fgt.122.
9. M. I. Finley, "Was the Greek civilization founded on slavery?", ''Economy and Society in Ancient Greece'', pp. 170–171.
10. Finley, ''Economy and Society in Ancient Greece'' (French edition, Paris, 1997), p.148.
11. Finley (French edition, Paris, 1997), p.149.
12. M.H. Jameson argues in favour of a very large use of slaves (“Agriculture and Slavery in Classical Athens”, ''Classical Journal'' no.73 (1977-1978), pp.122-145); E.M. Wood disputes it (“Agriculture and Slavery in Classical Athens”, ''American Journal of Ancient History'' no.8 (1983), pp.1-47 and ''Peasant-Citizen and Slave'', Verso, 1988)
13. Finley (French edition, Paris, 1997), p.150.
14. Lauffer, “Die Bewerkssklaven von Laureion”, ''Abhandlungen'' no.12 (1956), pp.904-916.
15. Demosthenes, 12:8-19.
16. Aeschines, 27:9-11.
17. Finley (French edition, Paris, 1997), pp.151-152.
18. Lauffer, ''op.cit'', pp. 904–916.
19. A. H. M. Jones, ''Athenian Democracy'', Oxford, Blackwell, 1957, pp. 76–79.
20. Ctesicles, apud Athenaeus 6:272c.
21. P. Ducrey, ''Le traitement des prisonniers de guerre en Grèce ancienne. Des origines à la conquête romaine'', De Boccard, Paris, 1968.
22. Garlan, ''op. cit.'' (French edition), p. 57.
23. H. A. Ormerod, ''Piracy in the Ancient World'', Liverpool University Press, 1924; P. Brûlé, ''La Piraterie crétoise hellénistique'', Belles Lettres, 1978; V. Gabrielsen, "La piraterie et le commerce des esclaves", in E. Erskine (ed.), ''Le monde hellénistique. Espaces, sociétés, cultures 323-31 av. J.-C.'', Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2004, 495-511.
24. During the Classical and Hellenistic periods, it was the master who named the slave; this could be the master's name, an ethnic name as mentioned above, a name from their native area (Manes for Lydian, Midas for a Phrygian, etc.), a historical name {Alexander, Cleopatra, etc.}. In short, a slave could carry practically any name, but barbarian names could only be given to slaves. Cf. O. Masson, "Slave Names in Greek Antiquity", ''Proceedings of the 1971 Workshop on Slavery'', pp.9—21.
25. Circa 216 BC. ''Inscriptiones Graecae'' IX 1², 2, 583.
26. Garlan, ''op. cit.'' (French edition), p. 59.
27. Finley (French edition, Paris, 1997), p.155.
28. ''The Economist'', IX; trans H. G. Dakyns from http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext98/econm10.txt accessed 16 May 06.
29. Pierre Carlier, ''Le IVe siècle grec jusqu'à la mort d'Alexandre'', Seuil, 1995, p.203.
30. Garlan, ''op. cit.'' (French edition), p. 58.
31. "The Servile Statuses of Ancient Greece”, ''Revue internationale des droits de l'Antiquité'' (1960), 3rd series, 7:165-89.
32. Garlan, p.47 (French edition).
33. Carlier, ''op. cit.'', p.203.
34. Aeschines, 1:17.
35. Burkert, ''op. cit.'', p.259.
36. Carlier, ''op. cit.'', p.204.
37. Edmond Lévy, ''La Grèce au Ve siècle de Clisthène à Socrate'', Seuil, 1995, p.178.
38. Finley (French edition, Paris, 1997), p.200.
39. Finley (French edition, Paris, 1997), p.201.
40. Lévy, ''op.cit'', p.179.
41. Chap XII, trans. Kenyon, Sir Frederic, http://etext.library.adelaide.edu.au/a/aristotle/athenian/ Accessed 15 May 06
42. S. B. Pomeroy, ''Goddesses, Whores, Wives and Slaves'', Schoken, 1995, p. 57.
43. Pierre Brûlé, “Infanticide et abandon d'enfants”, ''Dialogues d'histoire ancienne'' no.18 (1992), pp.53-90.
44. Garlan, p.79 (French edition).
45. Garlan, p.80 (French edition).
46. C. Dunant and J. Pouilloux, ''Recherches sur l'histoire et les cultes de Thasos'' II, pp.35-37, no.173.
47. Demosthenes, ''Against Neaira'', 59:29-32.
48. Paul Foucart, “Mémoire sur l'affranchissement des esclaves par forme de vente à une divinité d'après les inscriptions de Delphes”, ''Archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires'', 2nd series, vol.2 (1865), pp.375-424.
49. Garlan, p.83 (French edition).
50. Garlan, p.84 (French edition).
51. Herakleides Lembos, fgt. 9 Dilts and Suidas, s.v. Ἀλκμάν.
52. Suidas, s.v. Φιλόξενος.
53. ''Life of Lycurgus'', 12:13.
54. ''Life of Lycurgus'', 16:5; ''Life of Alcibiades'', 5:3.
55. “…ἀνδραπόδων κτήσει τῶν τε ἄλλων καὶ τῶν εἱλωτικῶν”, Alcibiades I, 122d.
56. “ …δοὐλοις καὶ Εἴλωσι”, ''Comp. Lyc. et Num.'', 2.
57. Pavel Oliva, ''Sparta and her Social Problems'', Academia, Prague, 1971, pp.172-173; Jean Ducat, ''Les Hilotes'', BCH suppl.20, Paris, 1990, p.55 ; Edmond Lévy, ''Sparte'', Seuil, Paris, 2003, pp.112-113.
58. trans Ian Johnston, 2006. http://www.mala.bc.ca/~Johnstoi/aristophanes/peace.htm accessed 17 May 06
59. On that subject, see Paul Cartledge, "Rebels and Sambos in Classical Greece", ''Spartan Reflections'', University of California Press (2003), p.127-152.
60. The Persians, v. 242. trans. ed. Herbert Weir Smyth, http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Aesch.+Pers.+1 accessed 17 May 2006 ,
61. Politics. trans. H. Rackham http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0058&query=book%3D%231 accessed 17 May 2006

References

★ ''This article draws heavily on the article in the French-language Wikipedia, which was accessed in the version of May 17, 2006.''

Bibliography

★ P. Brûlé et J. Oulhen (dir.), ''Esclavage, guerre, économie en Grèce ancienne. Hommages à Yvon Garlan'', Presses universitaires de Rennes, "History" collection, 1997. ISBN 2-86847-289-3

★ Moses Finley :

★
★ ''The Ancient Economy'', University of California Press, 1999 (1st edn. 1970) ISBN 0-520-21946-5

★
★ ''Ancient Slavery & Modern Ideology'', Markus Wiener, 1998 (1st edn. 1980) ISBN 1-55876-171-3

★
★ ''Slavery in Classical Antiquity. Views and Controversies'', Heffer, Cambridge, 1960

★ Yvon Garlan, ''Slavery in Ancient Greece'', Cornell Univ Press, 1988 (1st edn. 1982) ISBN 0-8014-1841-0

★ Peter Garnsey, ''Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine'', Cambridge University Press, 1996. ISBN 0-521-57433-1

★ Pierre Vidal-Naquet ;

★
★ "Women, Slaves and Artisans", third part of ''The Black Hunter : Forms of Thought and Forms of Society in the Greek World'', Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988 (1st edn. 1981). ISBN 0-8018-5951-4

★
★ with Jean-Pierre Vernant, ''Travail et esclavage en Grèce ancienne'', Complexe, "History" collection, Bruxelles, 2006 (1st edn. 1988). ISBN 2-87027-246-4

★ Thomas Wiedemann, ''Greek and Roman Slavery'', Routledge, London, 1989 (1st edn. 1981). ISBN 0-415-02972-4

★ The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, W.L.Westermann 1955

External links

★ GIREA, The International Group for Research on Slavery in Antiquity (in French)

★ Greek law bibliographic database at Nomoi

★ Documents on Greek slavery on the Ancient History Sourcebook.

★ Index thématiques de l'esclavage et de la dépendance Subject index on slavery and related topics, by author.

★ Bibliothèque numérique ISTA Free library