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EspañolSOUTHERN UNIONIST
In the United States, Southern Unionists were people living in the Southern United States opposed to secession and against the Civil War. The term was used during the war and later during Reconstruction.
The term ''Southern Unionist'' incorporates a spectrum of beliefs and actions. Some Unionists opposed secession, but afterwards served and fought with the Confederate armies. Others refused to fight, went North or stayed North to enlist in the Union Armies, or fought informally as partisans or terrorist bands in the South. The term could also be used of any Southerner who worked with the Republican Party or Union government in any capacity after the war ended in 1865.
The scholar James A. Baggett profiled 742 Southern Unionists, comparing them to 666 Redeemers who opposed and eventually replaced them. He compares three regions, the Upper South, the Southeast, and the Southwest. Baggett follows the life of each Southern Unionist before, during, and after the war, with respect to birthplace, occupation, value of estate, slave ownership, education, party activity, stand on secession, war politics, and postwar politics. [1]
Baggett thus looked at 1400 political activists across the South, and gave each a score:
Baggett found the higher the score the more likely the person was a Southern Unionist. Of course, depending on the definition, all of these activities make one a Southern Unionist by definition.
During the war, many Southern Unionists went North and joined the Union Armies. Others joined when Union armies entered their hometowns in Tennessee, Virginia, Arkansas, Louisiana and elsewhere. Nearly 120,000 Southern Unionists served in the Union Army during the Civil War, and every Southern state, except South Carolina, raised Unionist regiments. Southern Unionists were extensively used as anti-guerrilla forces and as occupation troops in areas of the Confederacy occupied by the 'Union'. Ulysses S. Grant noted "We had many regiments of brave and loyal men who volunteered under great difficulty from the twelve million belonging to the South." (Personal Memoirs of Ulysses S. Grant, 1885, vol 2. chapt. 68, p. 636).[1]
Southern Unionists formed a coalition with Freedmen (African Americans who were former slaves) and Northern government officials and entrepreneurs (disparagingly called Carpetbaggers). Since Confederates officers had been disenfranchised and many white Southerners boycotted elections which included African American voters or required an "ironclad oath," of loyalty to the Union, these coalitions often took control of Southern state and local governments.
Two prominent Southern Unionists were General James Longstreet (Robert E. Lee's top general), and Joseph E. Brown, the wartime governor of Georgia. Those who had not supported the Confederacy were eligible to take the "ironclad oath," as required by the Reconstruction laws in 1867 to vote or hold office. In the 1870s, many switched from the Republican Party to the conservative-Democrat coalition, the so-called Redeemers, which defeated and replaced all the state Republican regimes by 1877.
After the war, the Democratic Party, which in the South had supported secession and after the war worked to return the Southern plantation aristocracy to power and to disenfranchise African Americans labeled Southern Unionists ''Scalawags''. The word means ''rascals'', and was and remains pejorative. Its users over the past 150 years since its coinage usually and systematically combined it with terms like ''carpetbagger'' and derogatory terms for African Americans. See the article on Scalawags for details.
In Alabama, Southern Unionists dominated the Republican Party. [2] 117 Republicans were nominated, elected, or appointed to the most lucrative and important state executive positions, judgeships, and federal legislative and judicial offices between 1868 and 1881. They included 76 white Southerners, 35 Northerners, and 6 African Americans. In state offices during Reconstruction, white Southerners were even more predominant: 51 won nominations, compared to 11 Northerners and one black. 27 Southern Unionsts won state executive nominations (75%), 24 won state judicial nominations (89%), and 101 were elected to the Alabama General Assembly (39%). However, fewer Southern Unionists won nominations to federal offices: 15 were nominated or elected to Congress (48%) compared to 11 Northerners and 5 African Americans. 48 Southern Unionists were members of the 1867 constitutional convention (49.5% of the Republican membership); and seven Southern Unionists were members of the 1875 constitutional convention (58% of the minuscule Republican membership.)
In South Carolina there were about 10,000 Southern Unionist, or about 15% of the white population. During its heyday, the Republican coalition attracted some wealthier whites, especially moderates favoring cooperation between open-minded Democrats and responsible Republicans. Rubin shows that the collapse of the Republican coalition came from disturbing trends to corruption and factionalism that increasingly characterized the party’s governance. These failings disappointed Northern allies who abandoned the state Republicans in 1876 as the Democrats under Wade Hampton reasserted conservative control, using the threat of violence to cause many Republicans to stay quiet or switch to the Democrats.[3]
The most prominent Southern Unionist was James Lusk Alcorn of Mississippi. He was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1865 but, like all southerners, was not allowed to take a seat while Congress was pondering Reconstruction. He supported suffrage for Freedmen and endorsed the Fourteenth Amendment, as demanded by the Republicans in Congress. Alcorn became the leader of the Southern Unionist, who comprised about a third of the Republicans in the state, in coalition with Northern emigrants and Freedmen. He was elected by the Republicans as governor in 1869 and served from 1870 to 1871. As a modernizer he appointed many like-minded former Whigs, even if they were Democrats. He strongly supported education, including public schools for blacks only, and a new college for them, now known as Alcorn State University. He maneuvered to make his ally Hiram Revels its president. Radical Republicans opposed Alcorn and were angry at his patronage policy. One complained that Alcorn's policy was to see "the old civilization of the South ''modernized''" rather than lead a total political, social and economic revolution. [4]
He resigned the governorship to become a U.S. Senator (1871-1877), replacing his ally Hiram Revels, the first African American senator. Senator Alcorn urged the removal of the political disabilities of whites southerners and rejected Radical Republican proposals to enforce social equality by federal legislation[5] he denounced the federal cotton tax as robbery [6] and defended separate schools for both races in Mississippi. Although a former slaveholder, he characterized slavery as ''a cancer upon the body of the Nation'' and expressed the gratification which he and many other Southerners felt over its destruction.[7]
Alcorn led a furious political battle with Senator Adelbert Ames, a Northern emigrant who led the other faction of the Republican Party in Mississippi. The fight ripped apart the party, with most blacks supporting Ames, but many—including Revels, supporting Alcorn. In 1873, they both sought a decision by running for governor. Ames was supported by the Radicals and most African Americans, while Alcorn won the votes of conservative whites and most of the Southern Unionist. Ames won by a vote of 69,870 to 50,490, and Alcorn retired from state politics. [8]
Southern Unionists were denounced as corrupt by Redeemers. The Dunning School of historians sympathized with the claims of the Democrats. Agreeing with the Dunning School, Franklin said, that the Southern Unionists "must take at least part of the blame" for graft and corruption. "But their most serious offense was to have been loyal to the Union during the Civil War or to have declared that they had been loyal and thereby to have enjoyed full citizenship during the period of Radical Reconstruction." [9]
The Democrats, who were the conservatives of the Reconstruction era, alleged the Southern Unionists to be financially and politically corrupt, and willing to support bad government because they profited personally. One Alabama historian claimed: "On economic matters Southern Unionists and Democrats eagerly sought aid for economic development of projects in which they had an economic stake, and they exhibited few scruples in the methods used to push beneficial financial legislation through the Alabama legislature. The quality of the bookkeeping habits of both Republicans and Democrats was equally notorious." [10] However, historian Eric Foner argues there is not sufficient evidence that Southern Unionists were any more or less corrupt than politicians of any era, including Redeemers.[11]
In terms of racial issues, "White Republicans as well as Democrats solicited black votes but reluctantly rewarded blacks with nominations for office only when necessary, even then reserving the more choice positions for whites. The results were predictable: these half-a-loaf gestures satisfied neither black nor white Republicans. The fatal weakness of the Republican party in Alabama, as elsewhere in the South, was its inability to create a biracial political party. And while in power even briefly, they failed to protect their members from Democratic terror. Alabama Republicans were forever on the defensive, verbally and physically." [10]
Social pressure forced most Southern Unionists to join the conservative/Democratic Redeemer coalition. A minority persisted and formed the "tan" half of the "Black and Tan" Republican party, a minority in every southern state after 1877. [13]
White Southern Republicans included formerly closeted Southern abolitionists as well as former slaveowners who supported equal rights for freedmen. (The most famous of this latter group was Samuel F. Phillips, who later argued against segregation in ''Plessy vs. Ferguson'' (1896)). Included, too, were people who wanted to be part of the ruling Republican Party simply because it provided more opportunities for successful political careers. Many historians have described Southern Unionists in terms of social class, showing that on average they were less wealthy or prestigious than other whites. [14]
The mountain districts of Appalachia were often Republican enclaves. [15] They had few slaves, poor transportation, deep poverty, and a standing resentment against the low country politicians who dominated the Confederacy and conservative Democracy in Reconstruction. Their strongholds in West Virginia, eastern Kentucky and Tennessee, western Virginia, and North Carolina, and the Ozark region of northern Arkansas, became Republicans bastions to the present day. These rural folk had a long-standing hostility toward the plantation class; they had harbored pro-Union sentiments during the war. Andrew Johnson was their representative leader. They welcomed Reconstruction and much of what the Radical Republicans in Congress advocated.
As Thomas Alexander (1961) has shown, there was a persistent Whiggery (support for the principles of the defunct Whig Party) in the South after 1865. Many ex-Whigs became Republicans who advocated modernization through education and infrastructure—especially better roads and railroads. Many also joined the Redeemers in their successful attempt to replace the brief period of civil rights promised to African Americans during the Reconstruction era with the Jim Crow era of segregation and second class citizenship that persisted into the 20th century.
★ Carpetbagger
★ Freedmen
★ Reconstruction
★ Scalawag
★ Redeemers
★
1. Baggett
2. Wiggins 131-38
3. Rubin 2006
4. Quoted in Eric Foner, ''Reconstruction'' (1988) p 298.
5. (''Congressional Globe'', 42 Cong., 2 Sess., pp. 246-47
6. Ibid., pp. 2730-33
7. Ibid., p. 3424
8. Pereyra 1966
9. Franklin, p. 101
10. Wiggins p 134
11. Foner, ''Reconstruction''
12. Wiggins p 134
13. DeSantis 1998
14. Baggett 2003
15. McKinney 1998
★ Thomas B. Alexander, “Persistent Whiggery in the Confederate South, l860—77," ''Journal of Southern History'' 27 (1961) 305-29, in JSTOR
★ Baggett, James Alex. ''The Scalawags: Southern Dissenters in the Civil War and Reconstruction'' Louisiana State University Press, 2003. ISBN 0-8071-2798-1
★ DeSantis, Vincent P. ''Republicans Face the Southern Question: The New Departure Years, 1877—1897'' (1998)
★ Donald, David. "'The Scalawag in Mississippi Reconstruction.” ''Journal of Southern History'' 10 (1944) 447—60 in JSTOR
★ Ellem, Warren A. “Who Were the Mississippi Scalawags?” ''Journal of Southern History'' 38 (May 1972): 2 17—40 in JSTOR
★ Franklin, John Hope. ''Reconstruction after the Civil War'' (University of Chicago Press: 1961) ISBN 0-226-26079-8
★ Garner; James Wilford. ''Reconstruction in Mississippi'' 1901. Dunning school monograph
★ Kolchin, Peter. “Scalawags, Carpetbaggers, and Reconstruction: A Quantitative Look at Southern Congressional Politics, 1868 to 1872” ''Journal of Southern History'' 45 (1979) 63—76, in JSTOR
★ McKinney, Gordon B. ''Southern Mountain Republicans, 1865—1900: Politics and the Appalachian Community'' (1998)
★ Pereyra, Lillian A., ''James Lusk Alcorn: Persistent Whig.'' LSU Press, 1966.
★ Perman, Michael. '' The Road to Redemption: Southern Politics 1869—1879'' (1984)
★ Rubin, Hyman. '' South Carolina Scalawags'' (2006)
★ Ted Tunnell, "Creating 'the Propaganda of History': Southern Editors and the Origins of Carpetbagger and Scalawag," ''Journal of Southern History'' (Nov 2006) 72#4
★ Wiggins; Sarah Woolfolk. ''The Scalawag in Alabama Politics, 1865—1881'' (1991) online at Questia
★ Fleming, Walter L. ''Documentary History of Reconstruction: Political, Military, Social, Religious, Educational, and Industrial'' 2 vol (1906). Uses broad collection of primary sources; vol 1 on national politics; vol 2 on states
★ ''Memoirs of W. W. Holden'' (1911), North Carolina Scalawag governor
| Contents |
| Who was a ''Southern Unionist''? |
| The Term ''Scalawag'' |
| Political activities during Reconstruction |
| Accusations of corruption |
| Influence |
| See also |
| Notes |
| References |
| Sources |
Who was a ''Southern Unionist''?
The term ''Southern Unionist'' incorporates a spectrum of beliefs and actions. Some Unionists opposed secession, but afterwards served and fought with the Confederate armies. Others refused to fight, went North or stayed North to enlist in the Union Armies, or fought informally as partisans or terrorist bands in the South. The term could also be used of any Southerner who worked with the Republican Party or Union government in any capacity after the war ended in 1865.
The scholar James A. Baggett profiled 742 Southern Unionists, comparing them to 666 Redeemers who opposed and eventually replaced them. He compares three regions, the Upper South, the Southeast, and the Southwest. Baggett follows the life of each Southern Unionist before, during, and after the war, with respect to birthplace, occupation, value of estate, slave ownership, education, party activity, stand on secession, war politics, and postwar politics. [1]
Baggett thus looked at 1400 political activists across the South, and gave each a score:
| Score | Activity |
|---|---|
| 1 | Antisecessionist Breckinridge supporter in 1860 election |
| 2 | Bell or Douglas supporter in 1860 election |
| 3 | 1860-61 opponent of secession |
| 4 | passive wartime unionist |
| 5 | peace party advocate |
| 6 | active wartime unionist |
| 7 | postwar Union party supporter |
Baggett found the higher the score the more likely the person was a Southern Unionist. Of course, depending on the definition, all of these activities make one a Southern Unionist by definition.
During the war, many Southern Unionists went North and joined the Union Armies. Others joined when Union armies entered their hometowns in Tennessee, Virginia, Arkansas, Louisiana and elsewhere. Nearly 120,000 Southern Unionists served in the Union Army during the Civil War, and every Southern state, except South Carolina, raised Unionist regiments. Southern Unionists were extensively used as anti-guerrilla forces and as occupation troops in areas of the Confederacy occupied by the 'Union'. Ulysses S. Grant noted "We had many regiments of brave and loyal men who volunteered under great difficulty from the twelve million belonging to the South." (Personal Memoirs of Ulysses S. Grant, 1885, vol 2. chapt. 68, p. 636).[1]
Southern Unionists formed a coalition with Freedmen (African Americans who were former slaves) and Northern government officials and entrepreneurs (disparagingly called Carpetbaggers). Since Confederates officers had been disenfranchised and many white Southerners boycotted elections which included African American voters or required an "ironclad oath," of loyalty to the Union, these coalitions often took control of Southern state and local governments.
Two prominent Southern Unionists were General James Longstreet (Robert E. Lee's top general), and Joseph E. Brown, the wartime governor of Georgia. Those who had not supported the Confederacy were eligible to take the "ironclad oath," as required by the Reconstruction laws in 1867 to vote or hold office. In the 1870s, many switched from the Republican Party to the conservative-Democrat coalition, the so-called Redeemers, which defeated and replaced all the state Republican regimes by 1877.
The Term ''Scalawag''
After the war, the Democratic Party, which in the South had supported secession and after the war worked to return the Southern plantation aristocracy to power and to disenfranchise African Americans labeled Southern Unionists ''Scalawags''. The word means ''rascals'', and was and remains pejorative. Its users over the past 150 years since its coinage usually and systematically combined it with terms like ''carpetbagger'' and derogatory terms for African Americans. See the article on Scalawags for details.
Political activities during Reconstruction
In Alabama, Southern Unionists dominated the Republican Party. [2] 117 Republicans were nominated, elected, or appointed to the most lucrative and important state executive positions, judgeships, and federal legislative and judicial offices between 1868 and 1881. They included 76 white Southerners, 35 Northerners, and 6 African Americans. In state offices during Reconstruction, white Southerners were even more predominant: 51 won nominations, compared to 11 Northerners and one black. 27 Southern Unionsts won state executive nominations (75%), 24 won state judicial nominations (89%), and 101 were elected to the Alabama General Assembly (39%). However, fewer Southern Unionists won nominations to federal offices: 15 were nominated or elected to Congress (48%) compared to 11 Northerners and 5 African Americans. 48 Southern Unionists were members of the 1867 constitutional convention (49.5% of the Republican membership); and seven Southern Unionists were members of the 1875 constitutional convention (58% of the minuscule Republican membership.)
In South Carolina there were about 10,000 Southern Unionist, or about 15% of the white population. During its heyday, the Republican coalition attracted some wealthier whites, especially moderates favoring cooperation between open-minded Democrats and responsible Republicans. Rubin shows that the collapse of the Republican coalition came from disturbing trends to corruption and factionalism that increasingly characterized the party’s governance. These failings disappointed Northern allies who abandoned the state Republicans in 1876 as the Democrats under Wade Hampton reasserted conservative control, using the threat of violence to cause many Republicans to stay quiet or switch to the Democrats.[3]
The most prominent Southern Unionist was James Lusk Alcorn of Mississippi. He was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1865 but, like all southerners, was not allowed to take a seat while Congress was pondering Reconstruction. He supported suffrage for Freedmen and endorsed the Fourteenth Amendment, as demanded by the Republicans in Congress. Alcorn became the leader of the Southern Unionist, who comprised about a third of the Republicans in the state, in coalition with Northern emigrants and Freedmen. He was elected by the Republicans as governor in 1869 and served from 1870 to 1871. As a modernizer he appointed many like-minded former Whigs, even if they were Democrats. He strongly supported education, including public schools for blacks only, and a new college for them, now known as Alcorn State University. He maneuvered to make his ally Hiram Revels its president. Radical Republicans opposed Alcorn and were angry at his patronage policy. One complained that Alcorn's policy was to see "the old civilization of the South ''modernized''" rather than lead a total political, social and economic revolution. [4]
He resigned the governorship to become a U.S. Senator (1871-1877), replacing his ally Hiram Revels, the first African American senator. Senator Alcorn urged the removal of the political disabilities of whites southerners and rejected Radical Republican proposals to enforce social equality by federal legislation[5] he denounced the federal cotton tax as robbery [6] and defended separate schools for both races in Mississippi. Although a former slaveholder, he characterized slavery as ''a cancer upon the body of the Nation'' and expressed the gratification which he and many other Southerners felt over its destruction.[7]
Alcorn led a furious political battle with Senator Adelbert Ames, a Northern emigrant who led the other faction of the Republican Party in Mississippi. The fight ripped apart the party, with most blacks supporting Ames, but many—including Revels, supporting Alcorn. In 1873, they both sought a decision by running for governor. Ames was supported by the Radicals and most African Americans, while Alcorn won the votes of conservative whites and most of the Southern Unionist. Ames won by a vote of 69,870 to 50,490, and Alcorn retired from state politics. [8]
Accusations of corruption
Southern Unionists were denounced as corrupt by Redeemers. The Dunning School of historians sympathized with the claims of the Democrats. Agreeing with the Dunning School, Franklin said, that the Southern Unionists "must take at least part of the blame" for graft and corruption. "But their most serious offense was to have been loyal to the Union during the Civil War or to have declared that they had been loyal and thereby to have enjoyed full citizenship during the period of Radical Reconstruction." [9]
The Democrats, who were the conservatives of the Reconstruction era, alleged the Southern Unionists to be financially and politically corrupt, and willing to support bad government because they profited personally. One Alabama historian claimed: "On economic matters Southern Unionists and Democrats eagerly sought aid for economic development of projects in which they had an economic stake, and they exhibited few scruples in the methods used to push beneficial financial legislation through the Alabama legislature. The quality of the bookkeeping habits of both Republicans and Democrats was equally notorious." [10] However, historian Eric Foner argues there is not sufficient evidence that Southern Unionists were any more or less corrupt than politicians of any era, including Redeemers.[11]
In terms of racial issues, "White Republicans as well as Democrats solicited black votes but reluctantly rewarded blacks with nominations for office only when necessary, even then reserving the more choice positions for whites. The results were predictable: these half-a-loaf gestures satisfied neither black nor white Republicans. The fatal weakness of the Republican party in Alabama, as elsewhere in the South, was its inability to create a biracial political party. And while in power even briefly, they failed to protect their members from Democratic terror. Alabama Republicans were forever on the defensive, verbally and physically." [10]
Social pressure forced most Southern Unionists to join the conservative/Democratic Redeemer coalition. A minority persisted and formed the "tan" half of the "Black and Tan" Republican party, a minority in every southern state after 1877. [13]
Influence
White Southern Republicans included formerly closeted Southern abolitionists as well as former slaveowners who supported equal rights for freedmen. (The most famous of this latter group was Samuel F. Phillips, who later argued against segregation in ''Plessy vs. Ferguson'' (1896)). Included, too, were people who wanted to be part of the ruling Republican Party simply because it provided more opportunities for successful political careers. Many historians have described Southern Unionists in terms of social class, showing that on average they were less wealthy or prestigious than other whites. [14]
The mountain districts of Appalachia were often Republican enclaves. [15] They had few slaves, poor transportation, deep poverty, and a standing resentment against the low country politicians who dominated the Confederacy and conservative Democracy in Reconstruction. Their strongholds in West Virginia, eastern Kentucky and Tennessee, western Virginia, and North Carolina, and the Ozark region of northern Arkansas, became Republicans bastions to the present day. These rural folk had a long-standing hostility toward the plantation class; they had harbored pro-Union sentiments during the war. Andrew Johnson was their representative leader. They welcomed Reconstruction and much of what the Radical Republicans in Congress advocated.
As Thomas Alexander (1961) has shown, there was a persistent Whiggery (support for the principles of the defunct Whig Party) in the South after 1865. Many ex-Whigs became Republicans who advocated modernization through education and infrastructure—especially better roads and railroads. Many also joined the Redeemers in their successful attempt to replace the brief period of civil rights promised to African Americans during the Reconstruction era with the Jim Crow era of segregation and second class citizenship that persisted into the 20th century.
See also
★ Carpetbagger
★ Freedmen
★ Reconstruction
★ Scalawag
★ Redeemers
★
Notes
1. Baggett
2. Wiggins 131-38
3. Rubin 2006
4. Quoted in Eric Foner, ''Reconstruction'' (1988) p 298.
5. (''Congressional Globe'', 42 Cong., 2 Sess., pp. 246-47
6. Ibid., pp. 2730-33
7. Ibid., p. 3424
8. Pereyra 1966
9. Franklin, p. 101
10. Wiggins p 134
11. Foner, ''Reconstruction''
12. Wiggins p 134
13. DeSantis 1998
14. Baggett 2003
15. McKinney 1998
References
★ Thomas B. Alexander, “Persistent Whiggery in the Confederate South, l860—77," ''Journal of Southern History'' 27 (1961) 305-29, in JSTOR
★ Baggett, James Alex. ''The Scalawags: Southern Dissenters in the Civil War and Reconstruction'' Louisiana State University Press, 2003. ISBN 0-8071-2798-1
★ DeSantis, Vincent P. ''Republicans Face the Southern Question: The New Departure Years, 1877—1897'' (1998)
★ Donald, David. "'The Scalawag in Mississippi Reconstruction.” ''Journal of Southern History'' 10 (1944) 447—60 in JSTOR
★ Ellem, Warren A. “Who Were the Mississippi Scalawags?” ''Journal of Southern History'' 38 (May 1972): 2 17—40 in JSTOR
★ Franklin, John Hope. ''Reconstruction after the Civil War'' (University of Chicago Press: 1961) ISBN 0-226-26079-8
★ Garner; James Wilford. ''Reconstruction in Mississippi'' 1901. Dunning school monograph
★ Kolchin, Peter. “Scalawags, Carpetbaggers, and Reconstruction: A Quantitative Look at Southern Congressional Politics, 1868 to 1872” ''Journal of Southern History'' 45 (1979) 63—76, in JSTOR
★ McKinney, Gordon B. ''Southern Mountain Republicans, 1865—1900: Politics and the Appalachian Community'' (1998)
★ Pereyra, Lillian A., ''James Lusk Alcorn: Persistent Whig.'' LSU Press, 1966.
★ Perman, Michael. '' The Road to Redemption: Southern Politics 1869—1879'' (1984)
★ Rubin, Hyman. '' South Carolina Scalawags'' (2006)
★ Ted Tunnell, "Creating 'the Propaganda of History': Southern Editors and the Origins of Carpetbagger and Scalawag," ''Journal of Southern History'' (Nov 2006) 72#4
★ Wiggins; Sarah Woolfolk. ''The Scalawag in Alabama Politics, 1865—1881'' (1991) online at Questia
Sources
★ Fleming, Walter L. ''Documentary History of Reconstruction: Political, Military, Social, Religious, Educational, and Industrial'' 2 vol (1906). Uses broad collection of primary sources; vol 1 on national politics; vol 2 on states
★ ''Memoirs of W. W. Holden'' (1911), North Carolina Scalawag governor
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