THAKSIN SHINAWATRA

(, IPA: ; (Chinese: 丘達新), born July 26, 1949 in Chiang Mai, Thailand), Thai businessman and politician, is the former Prime Minister of Thailand, and the former leader of the populist Thai Rak Thai Party. He is currently in exile, a resident of London, and owner of the English football club Manchester City.^[2]
Thaksin started his career in the Thai police, and later became a successful entrepreneur, establishing Shin Corporation and Advanced Info Service, the largest mobile phone operator in Thailand. He became one of the richest people in Thailand prior to entering politics, although he and his family later sold their shares in Shin Corporation. Thaksin entered politics by joining the Phalang Dharma Party in 1994, and later founded the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party in 1998. After a landslide election victory in 2001, he became Prime Minister of Thailand.
Thaksin's distinctive economic, public health, education, energy, drugs and international relations policies made him the first elected Prime Minister in Thai history to complete his term in office, and helped him win a landslide re-election in 2005. Thaksin's policies were particularly effective at alleviating rural poverty (poverty fell by half in 5 years) and at providing near universal access to affordable health care. His main support base was the rural poor. Under his government, Thailand's standing on major indices of corruption improved substantially.^[3]^[4]^[5]
However, his government was frequently challenged with allegations of corruption, dictatorship, demagogy, treason, conflicts of interest, acting undiplomatically, tax evasion, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards a free press.^[6] He was accused of lèse-majesté, selling domestic assets to international investors, and religious desecration.^[7]^[8] Independent bodies, including Amnesty International, have also expressed concern at Thaksin's human rights record. Human Rights Watch described Thaksin as "a human rights abuser of the worst kind", alleging that he participated in media suppression and presided over extrajudicial killings.^[9] A series of attacks in 2005 and 2006 by Sondhi Limthongkul and his People's Alliance for Democracy destroyed Thaksin's name and reputation.^[10] He was also subject to several assassination attempts.^[11]^[12]
On 19 September 2006, a military junta known as the Council for National Security (CNS) overthrew his government in a bloodless coup while he was attending a UN meeting in New York. In exile in England, the CNS warned him against returning to Thailand. His diplomatic passport was revoked after the CNS accused him of engaging in political activities abroad and Thai embassies were ordered not to facilitate his travels. All Thai media reporting his activities abroad were banned or censored, and Pro-Thaksin and anti-coup websites were also blocked or shut down.^[13] A CNS-appointed tribunal dissolved the Thai Rak Thai party and banned Thaksin and the TRT's executive team of 111 politicians from engaging in politics for 5 years.^[14] The CNS then established a committee that froze his all of his bank accounts, claiming that he had become unusually wealthy during his term in government, and demanded that he return to Thailand to face charges of corruption.^[15]^[16]^[17] Although Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont guaranteed his safety, CNS President Sonthi Boonyaratkalin warned him that he could be assassinated if he returned.
He is married to Potjaman Shinawatra, and has one son, Panthongtae and two daughters, Pintongtha, Peathongtarn.

Family background

Thaksin's great-grandfather Seng Sae Khu (surname ）was a Hakka Chinese immigrant from Meizhou, Guangdong who arrived in Siam in the 1860s and settled in Chiang Mai in 1908. His eldest son, Chiang Sae Khu, was born in Chanthaburi in 1890 and married a Thai woman, called Saeng Somna. Chiang's eldest son, Sak, adopted the Thai surname Shinawatra ("does good routinely") in 1938 because of the country's anti-Chinese movement and the rest of the family also adopted it.
Thaksin's father, Lert, was born in Chiang Mai in 1919 and married Yindi Ramingwong. In 1968, Lert Shinawatra entered politics and became an MP for Chiang Mai and deputy leader of the now-defunct Liberal party. Lert Shinawatra quit politics in 1976.^[18]
Thaksin's great-grandfather Seng Sae Khu made his fortune through tax farming. The Khu/Shinawatra later founded Shinawatra Silks and then by moving into finance, construction and property development. Lert Shinawatra opened a coffee shop, grew oranges and flowers in Chiang Mai's San Kamphaeng district, and opened two movie theatres, a gas station, and a car and motorcycle dealership. By the time Thaksin was born, the Shinawatra family was one of the richest and most influential families in Chiang Mai.

Early life

Thaksin was born in San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai. As a young boy, Thaksin helped his father brew and serve coffee. Thaksin grew up in the village of Sankamphaeng until he was 15, after which he moved to Chiang Mai city to study at Montfort College. At 16, he helped run one of his father's cinemas.^[19]

Police career

Thaksin attended the 10th class of the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School.^[20] He then attended the Thai Police Cadet Academy and upon graduation, he joined the Royal Thai Police Department in 1973. He later went on to obtain a master's degree in criminal justice from Eastern Kentucky University in the United States, in 1975. In 1978 he received a doctorate in criminal justice at Sam Houston State University in Texas with a dissertation on "An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Criminal Justice Educational Process and the Attitude of the Student Toward the Rule of Law."^[21] Returning to Thailand, he reached the position of Deputy Superintendent of the Policy and Planning Sub-division, General Staff Division, Metropolitan Police Bureau. He married Potjaman Damapong, the daughter of a police general, in 1980.^[22] Thaksin quit the police force in 1987, having ascended to the rank of a Lieutenant-Colonel.

Business career

Early successes and failures

Thaksin and his wife ventured into several businesses while Thaksin was still in the police force. These included opening a silk shop, opening a movie theatre, and developing an apartment building. All of these ventures were failures, and left him over 50 million Baht in debt. He established ICSI in 1982, which leased computers to government agencies and was a modest success. However, later ventures in security systems (SOS) and public bus radio services (Bus Sound) were failures.^[23]^[24] In April 1986, he founded Advanced Info Service (AIS), which started off as a computer rental business.^[25]
In 1987, after resigning from the police force, he marketed a Thai romance drama called "Baan Sai Thong",^[26] which became a popular success in theaters.^[27] In 1988 he joined with Pacific Telesis to operate and market the PacLink pager service, which was a modest success, although Thaksin later sold out his stake in PacLink to establish his own paging company.²³^[28] In 1989 Thaksin launched IBC, a cable television company, which lost money and was later acquired by the CP Group's UTV.²³^[29] In 1989, Thaksin established a data networking service, Shinawatra DataCom, which was a failure.²³ It is today known as Advanced Data Network, and is owned by AIS and the TOT.^[30]

Advance Info Service and subsequent ventures

In October 1990, Advanced Info Service launched analog 900 Mhz mobile phone services after receiving a 20 year concession from the Telephone Organization of Thailand in March.^[31] The mobile phone boom in Thailand was just beginning, with Total Access Communications receiving a concession one month later.^[32] AIS grew rapidly and was listed on the Stock Exchange of Thailand in November 1991. It established a GSM network in 1994 and eventually became the largest mobile phone operator in Thailand.^[33] However, AIS's market share declined significantly from 68% to 53% from 2002 to 2006 (while Thaksin was Prime Minister) due to price competition.^[34]
The Shinawatra Computer and Communications Group was founded in 1987 and listed in The Stock Exchange of Thailand in 1990.
In 1990, Thaksin founded Shinawatra Satellite, which has developed and operated a total of four Thaicom communications satellites.
In 1999, the Shinawatra family spent approximately 1 billion baht establishing Shinawatra University in Pathum Thani's Sam Khok district. The private university offered international programs in engineering, architecture, and business management. After the 2006 military coup, half of the junior students dropped out, fearing repercussions in the job market. As of 2007, the University had an endowment of 300 million baht.^[35]
In 2000, Thaksin acquired the ailing iTV television station from the Crown Property Bureau, Nation Multimedia Group, and Siam Commercial Bank.^[36]^[37]

Entry into politics

Political debut as Foreign Minister in the first Chuan government

Thaksin entered politics in late 1994 under the invitation of Chamlong Srimuang, who had just reclaimed the position of Palang Dharma Party (PDP) leader from Boonchu Rojanastien. In a subsequent purge of Boonchu-affiliated PDP Cabinet ministers, Thaksin was appointed Foreign Minister in December 1994, replacing Prasong Soonsiri.^[38]^[39]
The PDP soon withdrew from the government over the Sor Por Kor 4-01 land reform corruption scandal, causing the government of Chuan Leekpai to collapse.

PDP leader and Deputy Prime Minister in the Banharn government

Chamlong, strongly criticized for mishandling internal PDP politics in the last days of the Chuan-government, retired from politics and hand-picked Thaksin as new PDP leader. Thaksin ran for election for the first time in July 1995, winning a parliamentary seat from Bangkok. However, the weakened and internally divided PDP won only 23 seats, compared to 46 in the 1992 elections.
Thaksin joined the government of Banharn Silpa-acha and was appointed Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Bangkok traffic. In May 1996, Thaksin and 4 other PDP ministers quit the Banharn Cabinet (while retaining their MP seats) to protest widespread allegations of corruption, prompting a Cabinet reshuffle. Many have claimed that Thaksin's move was designed to help give Chamlong Srimuang a boost in the June 1996 Bangkok Governor elections, which Chamlong returned from retirement to contest.^[40] Chamlong lost the election - he and incumbent Governor former PDP-member Krisda Arunwongse na Ayudhya were defeated by Pichit Rattakul, an independent.
Chamlong's failure to buttress the PDP's failing power base in Bangkok amplified internal divisions in the PDP, particularly between Chamlong's "temple" faction and Thaksin's faction. Soon afterwards, Chamlong announced he was retiring again from politics.
Thaksin and the PDP pulled out of the Banharn-government in August 1996. In a subsequent no-confidence debate, the PDP gave evidence against the Banharn government. Soon afterwards, Banharn dissolved Parliament in September 1996.

Fall of the PDP

Thaksin announced that he would not run in the subsequent November 1996 elections, but would remain as leader of the PDP. He claimed that he wanted to devote his energies to campaigning for political reform and supporting other PDP candidates. Some speculated that Thaksin wanted to resign from the party leadership. The PDP suffered a fatal defeat in the elections, winning only 1 seat in Parliament. The PDP soon imploded, with most members resigning. However, the PDP is still in existence, with a different leadership and an insignificant presence in the political sphere.
Although there was much controversy about the root causes of the fall of the PDP, most agree that it was due to internal divisions in the party. Particularly divisive were conflicts between the Chamlong "temple" faction and subsequent generations of outsiders, including Thaksin.

Deputy Prime Minister in the Chavalit government

On 15 August 1997, Thaksin was invited to become Deputy Prime Minister in Chavalit Yongchaiyudh's government. This occurred soon after the Thai Baht was floated and devalued in 2 July 1997, sparking the Asian Financial Crisis. Thaksin held this position for only 3 months, leaving on November 14 after Chavalit resigned.
During an unsuccessful censure debate on 27 September 1997, Democrat Suthep Thaugsuban accused Thaksin of profiting on insider information about the government's decision to float the Baht.^[41] However, this accusation was not investigated during the subsequent Democrat or TRT governments^[42]
During 1997, Thaksin's flagship company AIS suffered 1.8 billion THB in foreign exchange losses and saw its debt more than double due to the devaluation. However, critics have alleged that Thaksin's businesses suffered much less from the devaluation than rival companies.^[43]

Formation of the Thai Rak Thai Party and the 2001 elections

Thaksin founded the Thai Rak Thai ("Thais Love Thais" - TRT) party in 1998 along with Somkid Jatusripitak, PDP ally Sudarat Keyuraphan, Purachai Piumsombun,^[44] and 19 others.
With a populist platform often attributed to Somkid, TRT promised universal access to healthcare, a 3-year debt moratorium for farmers, and 1 million THB locally-managed development funds for all Thai villages.
After Prime Minister Chuan dissolved parliament in November 2000, TRT won a sweeping victory in the January 2001 elections, the first election held under the People's Constitution of 1997. It was called the most open, corruption-free election in Thai history.^[45] Thai Rak Thai won 248 parliamentary seats (more than any other party previously) and needed only 3 more seats to form a government. Nonetheless, Thaksin opted for a broad coalition with the Chart Thai Party (41 seats) and the New Aspiration Party (36 seats), while absorbing the smaller Seritham Party (14 seats).^[46]

Prime Minister of Thailand

As Prime Minister, Thaksin Shinawatra initiated many distinctive policies affecting the economy, public health, education, energy, drugs, and international relations. He gained two landslide re-election victories.^[47] Thaksin's policies have been particularly effective at alleviating rural poverty^[3] and at providing affordable health coverage to the people. Because of this, his main support base has been the rural poor.^[4]
His Cabinet was packed with academics, former student leaders, and former leaders of the Phalang Dharma party, including Prommin Lertsuridej, Chaturon Chaisang, Prapat Panyachatraksa, Surapong Suebwonglee, Somkid Jatusripitak, Surakiart Sathirathai, and Sudarat Keyuraphan.
However, his government has been frequently challenged with allegations of dictatorship, demagogy, corruption, conflicts of interest, human rights offences, acting undiplomatically, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards a free press. A controversial leader, he has also been the target of numerous allegations of lèse-majesté, treason, usurping religious and royal authority, selling assets to international investors, religious desecration, and siding with the forces of darkness.^[7]^[8]

March 2001 aeroplane bomb

On 3 March 2001, a semtex/white phosphorus bomb exploded on a Thai Airways International 737 jet minutes before new Prime Minister Thaksin was scheduled to board. The explosion caused a firestorm which consumed nearly the entire airplane on the ground, killing one airline staffer. At the time of the blast, Thaksin was walking with about 150 other passengers toward the plane at the start of a trip to attend a narcotics conference in Chiang Mai. Officials initially tried to attribute the explosion to a spontaneous explosion in the gas tank of the plane, but most observers saw it as an attempt to assassinate Thaksin.^[52]^[53]^[54]^[55]¹¹

Economic policies

:''see also: Policies of the Thaksin government#Economic and health policies and Thaksinomics.''
Thaksin's government had designed its policies to appeal to the rural majority, initiating programs like village-managed microcredit development funds, low-interest agricultural loans, direct injections of cash into village development funds (the SML scheme), infrastructure development, and the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) rural small and medium enterprise development program.
Together called Thaksinomics, many feel that these policies were responsible for bringing about Thailand's economic recovery from the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis and substantially reducing rural poverty. The GDP grew from THB 4.9 trillion to THB 7.1 trillion. Thailand repaid its debts to the International Monetary Fund 2 years ahead of schedule. Between 2000 and 2004, income in the poorest part of the country, the Northeast, rose 40 per cent while nation-wide poverty fell from 21.3 per cent to 11.3 per cent.^[3] The Stock Exchange of Thailand outperformed other markets in the region. After facing fiscal deficits in 2001 and 2002, Thaksin balanced the national budget, producing comfortable fiscal surpluses for 2003 to 2005. Despite a massive program of infrastructure investments, balanced budgets were projected for 2006 and 2007.^[57] Public sector debt fell from 57% of GDP in 2001 to 41% in September 2006.^[58]^[59] Foreign exchange reserves doubled from US$30 billion in 2001 to US$64 billion in 2006.^[60]
Critics claim that Thaksinomics is little more than a Keynesian-style economic stimulus policy re-branded as something new and revolutionary. Economists from the Thailand Development Research Institute argue that other factors, such as a revival in export demand, were the primary cause behind the economy's recovery.^[61] Others claimed that the policies got the rural poor "hooked on Thaksin's hand-outs."^[62] Critics also pointed out that Thaksin's OTOP program, which encouraged rural entrepreneurialism, was not aligned with King Bhumibol Adulyadej's advocacy for a rural self-sufficient economy.^[63] Thaksin's supporters have countered that no other democratically-elected Prime Minister has reduced poverty by as much as Thaksin.
Thaksin helped bring Thailand's massive underground lottery system into the legal fold by operating a successful numbers game (Thai: หวย) run by the Government Lottery Office. Lottery sales of approx. 70 billion THB (2 billion USD) are used for social projects, including the "One District, One Scholarship" program which provided one student from a low-income family in each district with a scholarship to study overseas. Soon after Thaksin was deposed, the junta banned the lottery, claiming it was a social vice, luring the poor to become addicted to gambling, instead of working. The scholarship program was also stopped.^[64]^[65]^[66]^[67]^[68]^[69] The military junta also claimed that Thaksin's government "mischievously spent the proceeds in any way it saw fit".^[70]
The Thaksin government reduced the state's control of the media by privatizing MCOT, a large television and radio broadcaster.^[71]
After the 2006 Thailand coup, the military junta rebranded Thaksin's SML scheme as the "sufficiency village development scheme." Villagers wishing to draw down funds from the scheme were required to draft projects based on the King's self-sufficient economy principles.^[72]

Healthcare policies

Thaksin initiated two key healthcare policies: subsidized universal health care and low-cost universal access to anti-retroviral HIV medication (ARVs). Thaksin's 30-baht/visit universal healthcare program won the applause of the general public, but was criticized by many doctors and officials.^[73]^[74] Prior to the program's introduction, a large portion of the population had no health insurance and limited access to healthcare. The program helped increase access to healthcare from 76% of the population to 96% of the population.^[75] The program also increased workloads for healthcare employees, and caused many doctors to switch to higher paying careers. It has been criticized for being underfunded. The program led some hospitals to seek alternative sources of income, leading to a boom in the medical tourism industry, with 1.3 million foreign patients earning Thailand 33 billion THB (approx. 800 million USD) in 2005.^[76]^[77]
Post-coup Public Health Minister Mongkol Na Songkhla called the 30-baht program a "marketing gimmick" and claimed that the government would "very soon" stop charging patients any fees for visits to state hospitals.^[78]
During the Thaksin government, the number of people living with HIV/AIDS as well as the overall prevalence rate noticeably declined.^[79] Although successful in expanding access to HIV medication, there have been concerns that a free trade agreement with the US could endanger Thailand's ability to produce generic HIV treatments.^[80]
Thaksin also initiated a radical shift in funding away from major urban hospitals in order to build up primary care in rural areas.^[81]
Thaksin allowed the estimated 2.3 million migrant workers in Thailand to register and seek health coverage under the Thai national healthcare system. They were also eligible for work permits at the end of the registration period, entitling them to full labor protection. Democrat Party Labour Group Committee Pongsak Plengsaeng criticized the move, claiming that it would lead to unemployment amongst Thais. Pongsak also claimed that alien workers in Thailand have a higher tendency to commit crimes. Thailand's unemployment rate at the time was 1.9%.^[82]^[83]^[84]

Anti-drug policies

Thaksin initiated several highly controversial policies to counter a boom in the Thai drug market, particularly in methamphetamine. After earlier anti-drug policies like border blocking (most methamphetamine is produced in Myanmar), public education, sports, and promoting peer pressure against drug use proved ineffective, Thaksin launched a multi-pronged suppression campaign that aimed to eradicate methamphetamine use in 3 months. The policy consisted of changing the punishment policy for drug addicts, setting provincial arrest and seizure targets, awarding government officials for achieving targets, targeting dealers, and "ruthless" implementation.
Over the next seven weeks, press reports indicate that more than 2,700 people were killed.^[85] The Government claimed that only around 50 of the deaths were at the hands of the police. Human rights critics say a large number were extrajudicially executed.^[86] The government went out of its way to publicize the campaign, through daily announcements of arrest, seizure, and death statistics.
Thaksin's anti-drug approach was extremely popular. King Bhumibol, in his 2003 birthday speech, supported Thaksin's approach, although he did request the commander of the police to categorize the deaths between those killed by police and those killed by fellow drug dealers.^[87] Interpretations of his speech differ. Police commander Sant Sarutanond, reopened investigations into the deaths, and again found that few of the deaths were at the hands of the police. A Bangkok university poll conducted in February 2003 revealed 92% of respondents backed Thaksin's approach. The same survey also showed, however, that seven out of 10 people feared being shot by police themselves.^[88] Nevertheless, his anti-drug approach was widely criticized by international community. In fact, the UN tried to investigate the effect of this controversial campaign which prompted Thaksin to response with the famous quote: "The UN is not my father." ^[89]
Previous investigations had been conducted while under the premiership of Thaksin, so almost a year after the 2006 coup, the CNS ordered a further investigation into the anti-drug campaign. Former Attorney General Kanit Na Nakhon chaired the special investigative committee. "The special committee will be tasked with an investigation to find out the truth about the deaths as well as to identify remedial measures for their relatives," said Justice Minister Charnchai Likhitjittha.^[90]
According to the Narcotics Control Board, the policy was extremely effective in reducing drug consumption, especially in schools, at least until 2006.^[91] But a 2005 Assumption University opinion poll found that 62% percent believed that drug abuse had increased from 2004 to 2005 and that 68% did not trust the government to solve the drug problem.^[92]

Reducing corruption

Despite repeated allegations of corruption, the Thaksin government reportedly improved Thailand's ability to control corruption. A 2006 World Bank study from 2002-2005 found that Thailand's regulatory quality and ability to control corruption improved twice as much as it had during the 1996-2002 period.^[93]
Transparency International reported that Thailand's reputation for transparency among business executives improved during the years of the Thaksin government. In 2001, Thailand's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) was 3.2, whereas in 2005, the CPI was 3.8.^[94]^[95]^[96]

Education policies

Thaksin implemented a series of educational reforms during his government. Chief among those reforms was school decentralization, as mandated by the 1997 People's Constitution.^[97]
Decentralization would have delegated school management from the over-centralized and bureaucratized Ministry of Education to Tambon Administrative Organizations (TAOs). The plan met with massive widespread opposition from Thailand's 700,000 teachers, who would be deprived of their status as civil servants.^[98] There was also widespread fear from teachers that TAOs lack the skills and capabilities required to manage schools. In the face of massive teacher protests and several threats of school closure, Thaksin compromised and gave teachers whose schools were transferred to TAO management two years to transfer to other schools.^[99]
Other reforms included learning reform and related curricular decentralization, mostly through greater use of holistic education and less use of rote learning.^[100]
To increase access to universities for lower income people, Thaksin initiated the Student Loan Fund (SLF) and Income Contingency Loan (ICL) programs. The ICL granted loans regardless of financial status, and required recipients to start repayments when their salaries reach 16,000 Baht a month, with an interest rate equivalent to inflation from the day the loan was granted. The SLF had an eligibility limit on family income but carried interest of 1%, starting one year after graduation. The programs were merged and the income limit modified after Thaksin's government was overthrown.^[101]
Thaksin also initiated the controversial "One District, One Dream School" project, aimed at developing the quality of schools to ensure that every district has at least one high-quality school. The project was criticized, with some claiming that the only beneficiaries were Thaksin and companies selling computers and educational equipment. Many schools also fell deeply into debt in implementing the project, receiving less than adequate financial support from the central government.^[102]^[103]
In addition, Thaksin altered government state university entrance system. Whereas the former system relied exclusively on a series of nationally standardized exams, Thaksin pushed for a greater emphasis on senior high-school grades, claiming this would focus students on classroom learning rather than private entrance exam tutoring.
Thaksin initiated the Income Contingency Loan program to increase access to higher education. Under the program, needy students may secure a loan to support their studies from vocational to university levels. Thai banks had traditionally not given education loans. Thaksin made Thailand one of the first supporters of Nicholas Negroponte's One Laptop Per Child (OLPC) project, with the Thai Ministry of Education committing to purchase 600,000 units.^[104]

Energy policies

:''See also:Policies of the Thaksin government#Energy policies and Energy Industry Liberalization and Privatization (Thailand)''
In energy policy, the Thaksin government continued the Chuan Leekpai government's privatization agenda, but with important changes. Whereas the Chuan government's post-Asian financial crisis policies sought economic efficiency through industry fragmentation and wholesale power pool competition,^[105] Thaksin's policies aimed to create national champions that could reliably support economic growth and become important players in regional energy markets.^[106] Elements of the Thaksin energy liberalization policy included:

★ Privatization of the state-owned oil and gas company PTT

★ Attempted privatization of the integrated state-owned electricity company EGAT, without separating the generating and transmission businesses

★ Attempted establishment of an independent regulating agency (traditionally, EGAT had been both an operator and a regulator)
Thaksin also initiated a policy process to encourage renewable energy and energy conservation.

South Thailand insurgency

A resurgence in violence began in 2001 in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand which all have a Muslim, ethnic Malay majority. There is much controversy about the causes of this escalation of the decades long insurgency. Attacks after 2001 concentrated on police, the military, and schools, but civilians have also been targets. Thaksin has been widely criticized for his management of the situation, in particular the storming of the Krue Se Mosque, the deaths of civilian protesters at Tak Bai, and the unsolved kidnapping of Muslim-lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit.^[107] In October 2004, 84 Muslim human rights protesters were killed at Tak Bai when the Army broke up a peaceful protest concerning the mistreatment. ^[108] After receiving criticism from human rights groups, Thaksin announced escalation of military and police activity in the region.^[109] After the 2006 coup, the Army dropped all charges related to the Tak Bai incident. In July 2005, Thaksin enacted an Emergency Decree to manage the three troubled provinces. Several human rights organizations expressed their concerns that the decree might be used to violate civil liberties.^[110] However, the emergency decree was overwhelmingly popular with both Bangkokians and people in the three southernmost provinces.^[111]
In March 2005, Thaksin established the National Reconciliation Commission, chaired by former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun to oversee efforts to bring peace to the troubled South. In its final report released in June 2006, the commission proposed introducing Islamic law and making Pattani-Malay (Yawi) an official language in the region. The Thaksin administration assigned a government committee to study the report, while Muslims urged the government to act faster in implementing the proposals.^[112] On the other hand, some elements of the proposals soon met with much criticism. The President of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's Privy Council, Prem Tinsulanonda, stated "We cannot accept that [proposal] as we are Thai. The country is Thai and the language is Thai. We have to be proud to be Thai and have the Thai language as the sole national language".^[113]

Administrative reform

Ministerial restructuring

One of the most visible of Thaksin's administrative reforms was the restructuring of government department and ministries, labeled the "big bang." It was hailed as a "historic breakthrough" and "the first major reorganization of ministries since King Chulalongkorn set up Thailand’s modern system of departmental government in 1897." Such a restructuring had been studied for years as a means of undermining the perceived rigidities and inertia of the old system, but was never implemented until the Thaksin government.
The restructuring was designed to streamline the bureaucracy and focus it on performance and results. New ministries were carved out in Social and Human Security Development, Tourism and Sports, Natural Resources and Environment, Information and Communication Technology, and Culture. The restructuring caused an unprecedented re-shuffling of senior bureaucrats and underwent intense scrutiny in parliamentary committees.

CEO-governors

Thaksin transformed the role of provincial governors from ceremonial supervisors of ministry officials to active managers of government policy. Historically, central government ministries operated in the provinces through field offices headed by senior officials, who reported back to Bangkok. The Ministry of Interior appointed provincial governors whose role was largely ceremonial.
A key component of Thaksin's administrative reform policy, "CEO-governors" epitomized Thaksin's "transformation of the operating style of the traditional bureaucracy into a more results-oriented instrument that would be responsive." Piloted in 2001 and introduced in all provinces in October 2003, CEO-governors were put in charge of planning and coordinating provincial development and became accountable for overall provincial affairs. The "CEO governors" were assisted by "provincial CFOs" from the Ministry of Finance who reported directly to each governor. The CEO-Governors were authorized to raise funds by issuing bonds and were given an intensive training course. CEO-governors no longer passively signed off state funds to local bodies, but also coordinated their use and ensured that they met explicitly-set performance agreements.^[114]^[115] After the coup, the junta reverted the role of governors.

Foreign policies

Thaksin was fiercely attacked for tasking diplomats with supporting domestic economic programs, e.g., promoting OTOP products. Surapong Jayanama, former ambassador to Vietnam claiming that Thaksin's policies were "demeaning" and would do little to enhance Thailand's international stature.^[116]
Thaksin also initiated negotiations for several free trade agreements with China, Australia, Bahrain, India, and the US. This policy was also criticized, with claims that high-cost Thai industries could be wiped out.^[117]
However, the FTAs may have had a major role in the fast growth of Thai exports. Exports to Australia, Eastern Europe, China and Latin America increased 27-30% in 2006.^[118]
Thailand joined George W. Bush's multinational coalition in the invasion of Iraq, sending a 423-strong humanitarian contingent. It withdrew its troops on 10 September 2004. Two Thai soldiers died in Iraq in an insurgent attack.
Thaksin has also announced that Thailand would forsake foreign aid, and work with donor countries to assist in the development of neighbors in the Greater Mekong Sub-region.^[119]
Thaksin has also been attacked by influential former diplomats for acting undiplomatically with foreign leaders. Kasit Pirom, former Thai ambassador to Japan and the United States, noted at an anti-Thaksin rally "When Khun Thaksin went to the United Nations to attend a joint UN-Asean session, he did not behave properly when addressing the session, which was co-chaired by the UN secretary-general and the Malaysian premier. In his address Thaksin did not mention the name of the Malaysian premier".^[120]
Thaksin has also been attacked for his support of Deputy Prime Minister Surakiart Sathirathai's campaign to become UN Secretary General.^[121]^[122]^[123]^[124]

2005 re-election campaign

Under the slogans "Four Years of Repair — Four years of Reconstruction" and "Building Opportunities", Thaksin and the TRT won landslide victories in the February 2005 elections, sweeping 374 out of 500 seats in Parliament. The election had the highest voter turnout in Thai history and was noted for the marked reduction in vote-buying compared to previous elections.^[125]^[126]^[127]

Suvarnabhumi Airport

After 40 years of planning and debate, the Thaksin government completed the construction of the new Suvarnabhumi Airport. The airport was officially opened a week after a military junta overthrew the government. At the time of completion, it was one of the world's largest airports.
Some members of Thaksin's government were accused of corruption while overseeing the construction of Suvarnabhumi Airport. However, no accusations were directly made at Thaksin, and to-date, no Thai government, US government, police, or Auditor-General in the investigation has shown any corruption or collusion in the project. The junta attempted to use allegedly shoddy construction at the airport as one of the justifications for its coup.^[128] However, a junta-appointed panel of engineers assigned to inspect the airport noted that damage to the airport was "minute", and "common." This was contrary to accusations made by the junta that the airport was seriously damaged after only 4 months of operations. A spokesman for British Airways, also said that "Everything is normal", and that "We haven't heard any complaints from the staff."^[129] Other international airline representatives have also maintained that they are confident in Suvarnabhumi's safety. A two-week investigation led by Tortrakul Yomnak, a chief engineer for Airports of Thailand and prominent supporter of the anti-Thaksin movement, found that the runway was safe, and that cracks could be repaired in as little as a few hours.^[130] At the beginning of the investigation, Tortrakul had warned that the airport might need to be closed for three years.^[131] Other investigations found that the cost of fixing every identified problem at the airport would be less than 1% of the total airline cost, and that 70% of the problems would be fixed within 2007. 20 of the 60 problems were successfully fixed by February 2007.^[132]
Critics noted that junta-led investigations were unlikely to reveal an impartial picture of the airport's shortcomings. "Problems are normal for any new airport. In our case it's made more complex because everybody wants to run down the former prime minister", noted Sumet Jumsai, a leading Thai architect.^[133] Other leading engineers were sharply divided over the root causes of problems faced by the new airport.^[134]

Other criticisms

There have also been complaints that Thaksin appointed relatives to senior positions in the civil service and independent commissions, for example by elevating his cousin, General Chaiyasit Shinawatra, to Army commander-in-chief.
In August 2002, he was promoted from Deputy Commander of the Armed Forces Development Command to become Deputy Army Chief. Both General Chaiyasit and Defense Minister General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh denied charges of nepotism at the time. General Chaiyasit replaced General Somthad Attanan as Army commander-in-chief.^[135] However, General Chaiyasit was replaced by General Prawit Wongsuwan in August 2004, after only a year in office. His replacement was in response to an escalation of violence in southern Thailand. Prawit was succeeded by Sonthi Boonyaratglin in 2005.^[136]^[137]
Thaksin was also accused of interference after the Senate appointed Wisut Montriwat (former Deputy Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Finance) to the position of Auditor General, replacing Jaruvan Maintaka. The Constitutional Court has earlier found Jaruvan's nomination illegal and unconstitutional;^[138] however, she refused to acknowledge her ouster without a direct order from the King. Her refusal was highly controversial and sparked a public debate into the role of the King in Thai politics. The Constitutional Court, Senate and State Audit Commission are technically independent and non-partisan bodies.
Respected former Thai ambassador to the UN Asda Jayanama, in an anti-Thaksin rally, claimed that Thaksin's two state visits to India were made in order to negotiate a satellite deal for Thaksin's family-owned Shin Corporation. The accusation was countered by Foreign Minister Kantathi Suphamongkhon.^[139]
Thaksin's government has been accused of exerting political influence in its crackdown on unlicensed community radio stations.^[140]
Thaksin has also been accused of being superstitious. His supporters have countered that he is in fact jestful.^[141]
Thaksin often faced harsh comparisons. Social critic Prawase Wasi compared him to AIDS, Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda and Senator Banjerd Singkaneti compared him to Hitler, Democrat spokesman Ong-art Klampaibul compared him to Saddam Hussein, and the newspaper ''The Nation'' compared him to Pol Pot.^[142]^[143]^[144]
Thaksin has been engaged in a series of lawsuits against American businessman William L Monson regarding a cable-television joint venture the two partnered in during the 1980s.

Political crisis of 2005-2006

Accusations by Sondhi Limthongkul

The political crisis was catalyzed by several accusations published by media mogul Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin supporter. These included accusations that Thaksin:

★ Committed lèse-majesté against the King

★ Usurped the Royal powers of the King (see Temple of the Emerald Buddha incident)

★ Restricted press freedom by suing Sondhi after Sondhi printed a sermon by a controversial monk (see Luang Ta Maha Bua incident)

★ Masterminded the desecration of the Erawan shrine (see Phra Phrom Erawan Shrine incident)

Sale of Shin Corporation

Main articles: Sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings

On January 23, 2006, the Shinawatra family sold their entire stake in Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings. The Shinawatra and Damapong families netted about 73 billion baht (about US$1.88 billion) tax-free from the sale, using a regulation that made individuals who sell shares on the stock exchange exempt from capital gains tax.^[145]
The Thailand Securities and Exchange Commission investigated the transaction. "The investigation concluded that Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his daughter Pinthongta are clear from all wrongdoing", said SEC secretary-general Thirachai Phuvanatnaranubala on February 23, 2006.^[146] However, the SEC did find that Thaksin's son, Panthongtae, committed minor infractions with regard to information disclosure and public tender offers in transactions between 2000 and 2002.
He was fined 6 million THB (about 150,000USD).^[147] Allegations of insider trading by other Shinawatra family members, Shin Corporation Corp executives, and major shareholders were also investigated. No irregularities were found. On 21 September 2006, the Revenue Department sent a letter to the Shinawatras advising the Shinawatra family not to pay taxes on the transaction. Also in 2006, Revenue Department Director-General Sirot Sawadpanish testified to the military junta's Assets Examination Committee that the transaction was not taxable.^[148] The junta investigated Sirot and 6 other senior Ministry of Finance officials for their role in dispensing legal advice regarding the transaction.^[149]
The transaction made the Prime Minister the target of accusations that he was selling an asset of national importance to a foreign entity, and hence selling out his nation. The Democrat party spokesman compared him to Saddam Hussein: "Saddam, though a brutal tyrant, still fought the superpower for the Iraqi motherland".^[150]
Supporters, however, counter that Thailand's mobile phone industry is highly competitive, and that little criticism was raised when the Norwegian firm Telenor acquired the country's second largest mobile operator. There was also no criticism when Temasek-owned DBS bought a large stake in Siam Commercial Bank (majority owned by King Bhumibol Adulyadej). Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva had earlier criticized Thaksin for not sufficiently opening up the Thai telecom sector to foreigners. Democrat Party deputy leader Korn Chatikavanij noted "I have always said Shin [Corporation] was safer in Singapore hands than in Thaksin's hands".^[151] Supporters further counter that the complete sale of Shin Corporation by the Shinawatra-Damapong families had been a long-standing demand of some public groups,^[152] as it would allow Thaksin to undertake his duties as Prime Minister without accusation of conflicts of interest.

Anti-Thaksin and pro-Thaksin rallies

Thaksin faced pressure to resign following the sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings.
Anti-Thaksin protestors, led by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), consisted mainly of middle-class Bangkokians. They also included prominent socialites (dubbed the "Blue Blood Jet Set" by the ''Bangkok Post'') and members of the Thai royal family.^[153]
Media mogul Sondhi Limthongkul was a prominent leader of the protests. These were joined by academics, students, supporters of the controversial Santi Asoke Buddhist sect (led by Thaksin's former mentor Chamlong Srimuang) and followers of the controversial monk Luang Ta Maha Bua. State enterprise employees opposed to privatization followed, even though most EGAT employees had supported privatization in early 2005. Protestors camped out for months outside Government House.
The protests were divisive. The controversial Dharmakaya Buddhist sect came out in support of Thaksin. Massive pro-Thaksin rallies were held in Bangkok and several provinces, including a Bangkok rally where an estimated 200,000 attended.^[154]
King Bhumibol's Privy Council President asked protestors to seek a peaceful resolution to the situation.^[155] In response to Sondhi Limthongkul's "We Fight For the King" battle-cry, Supreme Commander General Ruengroj Mahasaranond said "Rivals should not involve the monarch in their quarrels".^[156]
On 14 January 2006, hundreds of protestors headed by Sondhi Limthongkul, former senator Pratin Santiprapop, Klanarong Chantik, and Democrat MP Kalaya Sophonpanich stormed into Government House at half past midnight, overwhelming security forces. They occupied the building for twenty minutes before regrouping outside and continuing their protest.^[157]
On 4 February 2006, Thaksin said in an interview that if the King even whispered for him to resign, he would. That very evening, Sondhi spoke at an anti-Thaksin rally, saying, "Where is the army? This talk is enough to bring Thaksin to the execution post." At 9pm that evening, Sondhi visited the Bureau of the Royal Household to petition Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda to remove Thaksin from the position of Prime Minister. The Bureau's offices were still open to receive his petition.^[158]

House dissolution and the April 2006 Legislative Election

House dissolution

Thaksin announced a House dissolution on 24 February 2006, in a bid to end the political crisis. General elections were scheduled for 2 April. In his weekly radio address following the announcement of his decision, the prime minister promised a series of new populist measures, including an increase in the minimum wage and debt relief for farmers.^[159] The opposition Democrat, Chart Thai and Mahachon parties announced a boycott of the election on 27 February.
Thaksin was criticized for calling the snap elections. In an editorial, ''The Nation'' noted that the election "fails to take into consideration a major fallacy of the concept [of democracy], particularly in a less-developed democracy like ours, in which the impoverished, poorly informed masses are easily manipulated by people of his ilk. And Thaksin's manipulation has been well documented.."^[160]

Anti-Thaksin protestors call for royal intervention

On March 24, 2006 in front of a rally of 50,000,^[161] Democrat party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva demanded that Thaksin resign and asked for the King Bhumibol to appoint a replacement.¹⁶¹ The People's Alliance for Democracy's (PAD), the Law Society of Thailand, and the Press Council of Thailand also called for royal intervention.^[162]^[163]
The King himself on 26 April dismissed the notion, saying that such an action would be unconstitutional. "Asking for a Royally appointed prime minister is undemocratic. It is, pardon me, a mess. It is irrational."^[164]

Election results

Thaksin's TRT Party won a victory in the boycotted elections, with 462 seats in Parliament with ratio of voters to no-voters of 16-10.^[165]
However, by-elections were needed for 40 TRT candidates (mostly from the Democrat-dominated south) who failed to win the minimum required 20% in an uncontested vote.^[166]^[167] The Democrat Party refused to contest the by-elections¹⁶⁶ and, along with the People's Alliance for Democracy, petitioned the Central Administrative Court to cancel them.^[168] Chamlong Srimuang declared that the PAD would ignore the elections and "go on rallying until Thaksin resigns and Thailand gets a royally-appointed prime minister".^[169]

By-elections

Boycotted by-elections in 40 constituencies on 25 April resulted in the TRT winning 25 of the constituencies and losing in 2 constituencies. Yet another round of by-elections on 29 April was scheduled for 13 constituencies. The Thai Rak Thai Party was later accused of hiring smaller parties to contest the election, while the Democrat Party was later accused of hiring smaller parties to not contest the election. According to the 1997 Constitution, uncontested election winners must win at least 20% of registered voters. These by-elections were suspended by the Constitution Court while it deliberated whether or not to disqualify the elections.

Invalidation of the April elections

In a speech on 25 April, King Bhumibol urged the judiciary to find a way out of the political crisis. In 8 May 2006, the Constitutional Court ruled 8-6 to invalidate the April elections based on the awkward positioning of voting booths. The ruling was called a landmark case in judicial activism.^[170]The Democrat Party, which had boycotted the April elections, said they were now ready to contest a October election.^[171]
A new election was ordered, later set for 15 October. The Court pressured the Election Commissioners to resign. However, when they did not, the Court found them guilty of malfeance in their management of the April election and jailed them. The 15 October election was cancelled when the military seized power on 19 September.

After the April 2006 election

Thaksin proposes reconciliatory panel

On 3 April 2006, Thaksin Shinawatra appeared on television to declare victory in the 2006 election, propose a government of national unity, and proposed the creation of an independent reconciliatory commission to decide whether he should remain Prime Minister.^[172]^[173] The Democrat Party and the PAD immediately rejected the reconciliation panel. "It's too late for national reconciliation", said Chamlong Srimuang.^[174]

Break from politics

After an audience with King Bhumipol, Thaksin announced on April 4, 2006 that he would not accept the post of Prime Minister after the Parliament reconvenes, but would continue as Caretaker Prime Minister until then.^[175]
"My main reason for not accepting the post of prime minister is because this year is an auspicious year for the king, whose 60th anniversary on the throne is just 60 days away...I want all Thais to reunite", said Thaksin in a nationally televised speech.^[176]
He then delegated his functions to Caretaker Deputy Prime Minister Chidchai Wannasathit, moved out of Government House, and went on vacation.
Thaksin's announcement provoked mixed reactions. A Bangkok poll taken 3 weeks after Thaksin's announcement found that TRT policies were still overwhelmingly popular in Bangkok, with 54% preferring TRT policies versus 8% for the Democrats.^[177]
However, a poll conducted in late May found that only 43% percent of Bangkokians wanted Thaksin back as premier while 57% percent believed Thaksin should not return as prime minister. But in the other 20 provinces surveyed in the same poll, 55% percent of respondents favored Thaksin's return as prime minister while 45% percent were opposed.^[178]
The Democrat Party at first welcomed the decision and promised to cooperate to resolve the political crisis. However, they continued their boycott of the April 2006 by-elections. In a celebration on 7 April, PAD leaders announced their new goal was the eradication of the "Thaksin regime".^[179]^[180] and subsequently formed the Mass Party.^[181] The Law Society of Thailand filed a suit with the Supreme Administrative Court, later rejected, alleging that Thaksin's leave was illegal^[182]^[183]^[184]
Thaksin returned to work on 19 May 2006, in the wake of the Constitutional Court's nullification of the April elections and catastrophic flooding in the North.^[185] However, political tension remained high. On 22 May, Pairoj Vongvipanon, former dean of the Faculty of Economics, Chulalongkorn University, warned Thaksin of assassination: "Thaksin must be careful or else he might be killed. Don't think that assassinations cannot occur in Thailand."^[186]

"Finland Plan" controversy and the "charismatic individual"

On the eve of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's 60th anniversary celebrations, the Manager newspaper and website published several articles on the "Finland Plan",^[187]^[188]^[189]^[190] an alleged conspiracy designed by Thaksin and other Thai Rak Thai co-founders aimed at overthrowing the King and seizing control of the country.^[191]^[192]^[193] Evidence substantiating the existence of such a conspiracy has never been presented in public. After seizing power, the military junta refused to investigate any of the claims.
Democrat Party deputy secretary-general Thaworn Senniam (Thai: ถาวร เสนเนียม) commented that the Finland Plan was "obviously true".^[194] In retaliation, Thaksin and the TRT sued the owner of the Manager daily Sondhi Limthongkul, its editor, a columnist and two executives for libel.^[195] The Finland Plan accusations were strongly criticized by some in the media for baselessly inflaming hatred.^[196]
On 29 June 2006, Thaksin noted that the political crisis was aggravated "because charismatic people and some organisations outside those sanctioned by the Constitution are trying to overthrow the government, rules and laws, Constitution and democracy."^[197] This prompted speculation that the unnamed "charismatic individual" he was referring to was either royal Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda or King Bhumibol Adulyadej.^[198] Any criticism of the King is illegal and highly frowned upon by the Thai public. Thaksin refused to clarify his remarks, provoking fierce criticism.

August 2006 car bomb

On 24 August 2006, a car containing 67 kilograms of explosives was stopped near Thaksin's residence in Thonburi. Metropolitan Police Bureau Commissioner Lt-General Wiroj Jantharangsee noted that the explosives in the car were completely assembled, equipped with a remote unit sensor and ready to be detonated, and the effect might be felt one kilometre away.¹² Pol Major Kamthorn Ooycharoen, head of the police bomb-disposal squad at the scene, also noted that the bomb was live and ready for detonation.^[199] The bomb was composed of sticks TNT, M-8 military fuses, TNT, C4 plastic explosives, a remote control unit, and nine plastic containers containing ammonium nitrate fuel oil (ANFO).^[200]^[199] The car was driven by Lieutenant Thawatchai Klinchana, former personal chauffeur of Pallop Pinmanee, Deputy Director of Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC). Police found that the car had left ISOC headquarters earlier that morning.^[202] Thawatchai was immediately arrested and Pallop was removed from his position at ISOC.
Pallop denied all involvement, noting that "If had wanted to do it, I would have done it more subtly...In my career, I have lead death squads. If I had wanted to kill him, the Prime Minister would not have escaped."^[203]^[204]^[205] He also claimed that "the explosives were being transported, they were not assembled to be detonated."^[206] Government critics claimed that the car bomb was a government conspiracy.^[207] Five army officers were later arrested for their role in the plot.^[208] Three officers, including Thawatchai, were released after the military overthrew the Thaksin government.^[209]

September 2006 Coup

Main articles: 2006 Thailand coup d'état

In the evening of 19 September 2006, while Thaksin was visiting New York City, USA to attend a United Nations summit and to speak at the Council on Foreign Relations, a military junta took control of Bangkok. Inside Government House, close to 50 soldiers ordered approximately 220 policemen in the complex to lay down their weapons. Troops also surrounded the Thaicom satellite receiving station and state-run television station Channel 11. By the morning of 20 September, tanks and military vehicles armed with machine guns were stationed at Government House, the Royal Plaza and government units along Rajdamnoen Avenue.^[210]
Troops participating in the coup were from the 1st and 3rd Army Regions, the Internal Security Operations Command, the Special Warfare Centre and Army units in Nakhon Ratchasima and Prachin Buri provinces and sections of the Navy.^[211] According to coup leader Army Commander General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, the coup leaders had arrested Deputy Prime Minister Chitchai Wannasathit and Defense Minister Thammarak Isaragura na Ayuthaya.^[212] Troops who refused to take part in the coup took mainly a neutral stance and did nothing to prevent the coup.
The military, originally calling itself the Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarch (CDRM), issued a statement citing the government's alleged ''lèse majesté'', corruption, interference with state agencies, and creation of social divisions as reasons for the coup.^[213] It declared the king of Thailand the head of state, and said elections will be held soon to return democracy to the country. Shinawatra later arrived in Britain, where he has family and are currently staying at the Dorchester Hotel in London.

Aftermath of the coup

After the coup, Thaksin remained a controversial figure. Despite being in exile and having all mention of him censored by all television stations, he still retained significant popularity among the public. All websites showing any support for Thaksin were shut down or blocked by the junta.^[214] A public opinion poll released by Bangkok University on 26 December 2006 showed he was ranked as the third most admired person in Thailand, behind General Sonthi Boonyaratglin and Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont.^[215]

Thai Rak Thai party

Many Thai Rak Thai party members were reported to have resigned from the party in the aftermath of the coup. These included Somsak Thepsuthin and 100 members of the Wang Nam Yom faction. It was not clear whether Suriya Jungrungreangkit, another influential member of the faction would also resign. Sonthaya Kunplome also was reported to have led 20 members of the Chonburi faction in resigning from the party. Fear that the party would be dissolved by the junta and its members banned from politics fueled the defections.^[216]^[217]
On 2 October 2006 Thaksin Shinawatra and his former deputy Somkid Jatusipitak resigned from the Thai Rak Thai Party.^[218]^[219] Chaturon Chaisang took over as party head. Chaturon later claimed that Thaksin called him and told him that he would stop his political activities.^[220] On 2 February, junta-chief Sonthi Boonyaratkalin noted that the TRT would probably be dissolved.^[221]
Meanwhile, court cases against the Thai Rak Thai and Democrat parties regarding election fraud in the April 2006 elections continued. In February 2007 witnesses in the case told the Constitution Tribunal that Election Commission investigators forced them to frame the TRT. Boonchoo Soonsuwan, an MP candidate for the Thai Ground Party, testified that he didn't personally know Trairong Intaratat and Phadungsak Klansanoh (both figures close to TRT leaders) but EC panel members, including Police Captain Manoon Wichiennit, told him to say they did and promised they would protect him. Fandy Pasu, another candidate for the Thai Ground Party, also testified that the EC forced him to lie. Both men had previously told the EC that Trairong and Phadungsak hired to run in the April 2006 legislative election.^[222]

2006 Bangkok New Year's Eve bombings

On 31 December 2006 and 1 January 2007, several bombs exploded in Bangkok. Thaksin later went on CNN to deny any involvement in the bombings.^[223]

Travels

The junta repeatedly warned Thaksin from returning to Thailand.^[224] Thaksin travelled to China and attempted to meet military-appointed Premier Surayud Chulanont, who was in China for the ASEAN-China Summit. However, Surayud refused to meet him.^[225] Surayud later denied Thaksin the opportunity to return to Thailand to contest in elections, and said that the appropriate time for him to return would be "after a year", when a newly elected government was already in place.^[226] In April 2007, during an interview where reporters asked Premier Surayud what he would say to Thaksin if he could meet him in person, Surayud responded, "I would say please don't ever come back."^[227]
Thaksin was assaulted while eating at a Thai restaurant in London. A Thai woman threw a glass at him - it was not known whether he was injured.^[228]
His diplomatic passport was revoked in 31 December 2006 after the junta accused him of engaging in political activities while in exile. Thai embassies were ordered not to facilitate his travels. Traditionally, all former prime ministers and foreign ministers of Thailand were permitted to hold on to their diplomatic passport for life.^[13]
In a subsequent trip to Russia to receive an honorary degree in science from the Plehanov Academy of Economics, Thaksin's passport and suitcase were stolen when he was eating at a McDonalds. The Thai Embassy in Moscow was willing to provide him a new travel document.^[230]
In January, Thaksin visited Singapore and had a personal meeting with S. Jayakumar, Singapore's Deputy Prime Minister. The Singapore government claimed the meeting was purely social and private. However, the Thai military government withdrew an invitation to Singapore's foreign minister to visit Thailand, cancelled a civil servant exchange program, and reviewed Singapore's use of Thai territory for military training exercises. Junta-head Sonthi later announced that the mobile phone calls of junta leaders were being bugged by the Singapore government.^[231] During the Singapore trip, Thaksin also gave an interview to CNN, in which he announced that he was quiting politics. He also denied the junta's accusation that he was behind the 2006 Bangkok bombings. The interview was censored in Thailand, as were interviews with the ''Asian Wall Street Journal'', ''Newsweek'', ''The Economist'', and ''Time''.^[232] Junta leader Sonthi Boonyaratkalin claimed to the Thai public that Thaksin insulted and was disrespectful to King Bhumibol and the royal family in his interviews.^[233]^[234]
Speaking before a group of 1,000 local politicians and government officials in February, junta assistant secretary general Saprang Kalayanamitr noted, "The traitor is slated to be banished to live forever in the jungle because there is no place in society for a deceitful politician." Although he did not mention Thaksin's name, the media assumed he was referring to Thaksin.^[235]

Legal charges

The junta established several bodies, including an Assets Examination Committee chaired by Thaksin-critic Jaruvan Maintaka, to investigate criminal charges against Thaksin and members of his deposed government.¹⁷ As of November 2006, none of the bodies had concluded their investigations or found substantial evidence of corruption, despite offers of immunity for potential witnesses.^[236] As of March 2007, the bodies failed to reveal evidence of wrongdoing to the public, although they did cite findings from initial investigations that concluded that Thaksin violated the law.^[237] All charges of lèse majesté against Thaksin were dropped by public prosecuters.^[238]
In January 2007, the Financial Institutions Development Fund complied with an Assets Examination Committee request to file a charge against Thaksin and his wife over their purchase of four 772 million baht plots of land from the FIDF in 2003. The charge was based on alleged violation of Article 100 of the National Counter Corruption Act, which specificies that government officials and their spouses are prohibited from entering into or having interests in contracts made with state agencies under their authorisation. However, Article 4 of the Act indicates that persons committing malfeasance must be direct supervisors of the damaged party - in this case, the FIDF. At the time, Bank of Thailand Governor Pridiyathorn Devakula directly supervised the FIDF, not Thaksin.^[239] Article 29 of the Bank of Thailand Act of 1942 stated that the Prime Minister did not have jurisdiction to oversee the FIDF, because those managing the fund had sole authority for policies, control, oversight and regulations governing the agency.^[240] Pridiyathorn's testimony to the court occurred in secret - Thaksin's legal team was not allowed in the room. The FIDF later noted that the land was sold to the Shinawatras at a price greater than its appraised value.^[241] The case went to the Supreme Court 10 July 2007.^[242]
The Assets Examination Committee also accused Thaksin of issuing an unlawful cabinet resolution approving the spending of state funds to buy rubber saplings. However, it did not accuse him of corruption.²³⁷
In March 2007, the Office of the Attorney-General charged Thaksin's wife and brother-in-law of conspiring to evade taxes of 546 million baht (US$15.6 million) in a 1997 transfer of Shin Corp shares. At the time, the Shinawatra family had asked for advice from the Revenue Department on the matter and were told that they were not liable for taxes. The advice was given by tax official Bencha Louischaroen, and was repeated by two senior colleagues testifying before a Senate investigation panel as well as Department chief Sirot Sawasdipanich. The junta found Sirot guilty of malfeasance.^[243]
The Assets Examination Committee ruled that Thaksiin was guilty of malfeasance for obstructing competition by passing an executive decree that imposed an excise tax for telecom operators. Thaksin's Cabinet approved an executive decree in 2003 that forced telecom operators to pay an excise tax of 10% on revenues for mobile phone operations, and 2% for fixed-line operations. Amounts paid in excise taxes could be deducted from concession fees that the operators had to pay to state-owned telecom operators. Most operators had to pay a concession fee of 25% of revenues; however, the 1997 Constitution stipulated that Thaksin-founded Advanced Info Services was exempted from the concession fee because it was founded before the 1997 Constitution was promulgated. The AEC ruled that the executive decree obstructed free competition in the telecom sector.
^[244]

Post-coup criticisms

Thaksin came under harsh criticism from a variety of fronts in the months after the coup. In April 2007, it was revealed that the junta had paid several politicians and academics to discredit the deposed premier. The chief contractor of the campaign was Chienchuang Kalayanamitr, brother of vocal Thaksin critic General Saprang Kalayanamitr. Politicians hired to criticize Thaksin included Chat Pattana party leader Korn Dabbaransi, Democrats Korn Chatikavanij, Alongkorn Palabutr and Korbsak Sabavasu, Prapat Panya-chatraksa, a key Thai Rak Thai member who defected to the Chat Thai party, plus ex-senator Kraisak Choonhavan. Academics hired by the CNS included Wuttipong Piebjriya-wat, Sophon Supapong, Narong Phet-prasert, and Somkiat Osotspa.^[245]
After a bomb was exploded outside of Chitrlada Palace in early May 2007, junta leader Sonthi Boonratkalin claimed that the "old power group", a common euphamism for the Thaksin-government, was behind it.^[246]

Post-coup actions

February 2007 statement on Australian television

Thaksin gave an interview during a brief visit to Australia. It was broadcast on Australia's public broadcaster ABC on 13 February 2007 during the program "Foreign Correspondent"^[247]. Thaksin has been travelling the world, playing golf, shopping, hiring a public relations firm, and investing in real estate.
Thaksin stated that he is not planning to return to Thailand in the near future. "I’m not considering going back yet because I have to worry about my safety and I also should not add any more confusion to the situation in Thailand now."
Thaksin insisted that he is not engaged in international lobbying against the military junta running Thailand. And though he wants the country to return to democracy, he’s finished with politics forever. "You will not see me in politics, not just the next generation, but for life. I want to devote myself to charitable activities and some kind of research."
Mr Thaksin says the military have no reason to fear him and he struck a distinctly conciliatory tone with the men who tossed him out of power. "I would urge everybody concerned not to worry about me. I’m not going to create any problems as a former PM. I’m mature enough, I have to be very constructive for my country. I have to be sure that anything I say might have an impact on my own country."

Professional Golf Association of Thailand leadership

On 30 April 2007, the Professional Golf Association of Thailand (PGAT) elected Thaksin to be the new president of the organization. Outgoing president Pongsak Ruktapongpisal, who had met Thaksin while he was visiting Beijing, noted that Thaksin had two messages for PGAT members. "First, he intends to wash his hands of politics. Second, he plans to use some of his money from the Thai Com Foundation, which has approximately Bt2 billion in its coffers, to help improve education and sports", said Pongsak. When asked how Thaksin would run the association while in exile, Pongsak said a team would be set up on Thaksin's behalf to run his policies.^[248]

Bid to buy Manchester City Football Club

While Prime Minister, Thaksin offered to buy Fulham Football Club from owner Mohamed al-Fayed. After Fayed rebuffed his offer for the club, Thaksin unsuccessfuly bid to buy Liverpool.^[249]
Then in early May 2007, there were widespread reports that Thaksin was on the verge of taking over Manchester City Football Club. The People cited a possible purchase price of 100 million pounds, while The Sunday Mirror reported a price of 130 million pounds. The Sunday Mirror also reported that Thaksin planned to approach Parma coach Claudio Ranieri, although Ranieri later signed with Juventus.
On June 21, Thaksin Shinawatra lodged, and had accepted, an £81.6 million pound bid for the club. In order to buy the club, he had to purchase 75% of the shares in the company. On July 6 2007, he had bought the required 75%^[250] of the clubs shares to take the company off the Stock Exchange and became Chairman of the club. Sven-Göran Eriksson was appointed the new club manager ^[251].
The Thai military junta had frozen Thaksin's assets in Thailand shortly before the bid was accepted. Thaksin claimed that he had set aside the funds to buy the club with permission from the government long before the actual purchase.¹⁶

Statements to the Thai media

May 2007 statement on Thai radio

Thaksin made his first post-coup statement on Thai broadcast media when he called in to a Bangkok community radio station on 16 May 2007. The interview was relayed to Confidante Radio, Saturday Voice against Dictatorship and Taxi Driver Community Radio. In the unannounced 15 minute call, Thaksin urged quick elections and said the junta did not have to worry about him as he would not travel near the region. He also expressed concern over the scaling down of government scholarships and urged needy children to contact the Thaicom Foundation. He also enquired after people's well being after a 6.1-magnitude earthquake was felt earlier in the day. "They (The junta) get scared all the time, although I have done everything as an ordinary citizen. I just want to tell them that they don't need to be paranoid. The best way to win people's trust is to come up with good work. The more they are paranoid, the more they will lose", he said.
In January 2007, the junta had issued a specific warning to Thai broadcasters not to carry statements by Thaksin.^[252] The day after Thaksin's phone call, officials from the junta, the Public Relations Department (PRD), and the Internal Security Operations Command raided the community radio station. The station then went off the air. Bavorn Techa-in, chief of the National Broadcasting Commission, said the station had been set up unlawfully, but denied to the Bangkok Post that there was any order to shut down the station. However, The Nation reported that Bavorn told the station director to go off the air. PRD Director-General Pramote Ratvinij said in an interview that he ordered his officials to "punish" the station for undermining national security. Two station employees were arrested and charged with operating without a licence, a crime that carried a maximum sentence of five years in jail and/or a 100,000 baht (US$2,860) fine.^[253]^[254]^[255]^[256] The day after the shutdown, the junta launched a crackdown on some 3,000 community radio stations across the kingdom. "The Public Relations Department is checking content on every community radio station to see whether it violates our national security", noted the PRD Deputy Director General.^[257] The crackdown silenced every broadcaster found to be criticising the government, and was the biggest censorship blitz since the September 2006 coup.^[258]^[259] Numerous anti-junta and anit-coup websites were also shut down.^[260]

July meeting with the Thai media

In early July 2007 in Hong Kong, Thaksin had his first direct meeting with the Thai press after the coup. When asked of his future in politics, he reiterated that he had quit politics. "My wife told me that if I returned to politics, we might have to get divorced," he said.
He also noted,
Regarding a junta investigation into his purchase of the Manchester City Football Club, Thaksin noted,
He claimed that any junta investigations against him had a premeditated outcome.^[261]

Dissolution of the Thai Rak Thai Party

On 30 May 2007, a junta-appointed Constitutional Tribunal dissolved the Thai Rak Thai Party and banned over 100 of its executives, including Thaksin, from politics for 5 years. The ruling was based on charges that two Thai Rak Thai party executives (Defense Minister Thammarak Issarangkura na Ayudhya and Pongsak Raktapongpaisarn) bribed a smaller party to stand in the April 2006 election. One of the judges was quoted as saying the Tribunal would “apply the spirit ” of the coup-makers in making their rulings. The Tribunal ruled unanimously on the guilt of the two, despite the fact that it found that the alleged amount of money paid was so small it didn't make sense, video evidence had been edited, and that there was no evidence that anyone actually received the money. The Tribunal admitted that circumstantial evidence was key to determine whether the party's guilt. The party was banned for breaching sections 66(2) and section 66(3) of the 1998 Organic Act on Political Parties, namely "an act which may be adverse to the democratic regime of government with the King as Head of the State under the Constitution" and "an act which may endanger the security of the State, or may be contrary to law or public order or good morals or democratic regime of government." Applying a junta ruling declared after the April 2006 election, the Tribunal handed down a 6-3 verdict banning the entire TRT executive team from politics for five years.^[262]^[263]^[264]¹⁴
In the letter read to the public by his lawyer in Bangkok, Thaksin wrote, "I, as the founder and leader of the party up until the coup, apologise to all party members, executives and supporters that met with this unexpected fate... As party leader, I humbly accept the ruling and I want to urge the CNS and government to hold general elections as soon as possible."^[265]^[266] However, the junta's Internal Security Operations Command claimed that more than 5,000 Thai Rak Thai supporters were expected to rally at Sanam Luang on the afternoon of the 31st.^[267] Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva criticized the ban, saying, “If that actually happens, I believe the elections will be somewhat meaningless. Politically, it is a bad idea. You are depriving people of choice.”^[268]
Commentators were mostly critical of the ruling. "The verdict on Wednesday was the conclusion of the two-year battle for political power. If the 19 September coup d'etat was aimed at toppling Thaksin, then the last chapter the coup makers", said political historian Thamrongsak Petchlert-anan. Pitch Pongsawat, of Chulalongkorn University's Faculty of Political Science, said the ruling was "rule by law" - rather than the "rule of law". Law professor Prasit Piva-vatthanapanich, of Thammasat University, said that five-year ban was "too much" and doubted if the rule of law existed in Thailand as the judgement was based on the order issued by the Council for National Security. However, scholar Chaiyan Chaiyaporn defended the ruling, saying, "I don't think the coup totally destroyed democracy."^[269] Political scientist Thitinan Pongsudhirak noted of the verdict, "It appears as though the law in Thailand is more about political configurations and power dynamics rather than justice. Justice just depends on who has the power."^[270] The verdict was criticized by the Asian Human Rights Commission, which called it a "farce" which "caused immense damage to already diminished judicial institutions, with far-reaching consequences."^[271] On the morning of the Tribunal's ruling, junta leader Sonthi Boonyaratklin met with Tribunal judge Ackaratorn Chularat. Sonthi later denied that he lobbied the Constitution Tribunal to ban the Thai Rak Thai executive team.^[272] Judge Kittisak Kittikhunpairoj, one of the minority of Constitution Tribunal judges who voted against a electoral ban, said in a radio interview that laws were generally not retroactive. Laws that imposed punishments on people would not generally have retroactive effect, but laws that stood to benefit them could be retroactive. Kittisak said those laws with retroactive effect must be clear and precise in their scope. He noted that the junta's Announcement No. 27, which banned the executives of dissolved political parties, was all-embracing and lacked clarity.^[273]
However, the rector of Thammasat University said the retroactive ruling was 'fully justified' and compared the ban to the execution of Nazi and Japanese war criminals after World War II.^[274]
The junta-appointed legislature later passed a law banning disbanded political parties, like Thai Rak Thai, from registering new parties under the same name, logo or abbreviation. The legislature did not state any specific reason for the ban.^[275]^[276]

Human Rights Abuses

Human Rights Abuses Report

Return to Thailand

Soon afterwards, Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont said Thaksin was free to return to Thailand, and he would personally guarantee Thaksin's safety. However, junta President Sonthi Boonyaratkalin warned Thaksin that he could be killed if he returned.^[277] Thaksin-critic Prawase Wasi warned that his return could spark violence and that the military would kill Thaksin.^[278] However, on 19 June 2007, the police department's Department of Special Investigation ordered Thaksin and his wife to return to Thailand within 10 days to hear charges of asset concealment in person. The DSI claimed that the Shinawatra family reported that they held 60.82% of shares in SC Assets Corp Plc, but that percentage excluded their de facto ownership of two overseas nominee companies that held another 19.05% of SC Assets' shares. At the time, the DSI had not yet filed formal charges with the Office of Attorney General for formal charges. "The court can issue warrants for their arrest if they fail to show up", said the DSI chief.^[279] "And if they still don't come, I may have to issue a cross-border warrant", he added.^[280] The justice minister claimed that the safety concerns were not sufficient reason to avoid the summons.^[281] Defence Minister General Boonrawd Somtas also demanded that Thaksin return to hear charges in person.^[282]
Thaksin, along with three Chinese authors co-authors, wrote "Thaksin's 24 Hours After the Coup", a Chinese language book launched at the Hong Kong Book Fair in July 2007. Published by the News Corp-owned cable-TV station Phoenix, the 10,000 first-edition copies were sold mainly in China, Taiwan and Hong Kong.^[283]

Miscellaneous

★ In January 2006, Thaksin staged ''Back Stage Show: The Prime Minister'', a reality show about his work on solving poverty in Amphoe At Samat, Roi Et Province.

★ Thaksin is commonly referred to by the press and his critics as "Na Liam" (Thai: หน้าเหลี่ยม - "square face") and "Maeo" (Thai: แม้ว - a derogatory term for the Hmong people).

Notes

1. Deposed Thai PM quits party role
2. Bangkok Post, Thaksin seals Man City takeover, 6 July 2007
3. The World Bank, Thailand Economic Monitor, November 2005
4. Protesters Jam Bangkok, but Rural Thais Love the Leader. ''The New York Times'', 6 March 2006
5. Formation of a Single-Party Government
6. BBC News, A fit and proper Premiership?
7. The Star, Dreaded day dawns – despite lies and dark forces, 2 April 2006
8. The Nation, Vandal's dad distraught, 23 March 2006
9. BBC News A fit and proper Premiership?
10. The Nation, Will the AEC's step add more fuel to the fire?, 12 June 2007
11. IHT, Thai Leader Narrowly Escapes Jet Explosion, 5 March 2007
12. The Nation, 'Bomb plot to kill Thaksin foiled', questions linger, 25 August 2006
13. The Nation, FM cancel ousted premier and wife's diplomatic passports, 10 January 2007
14. The Economist, The Party is Over, 31 May 2007
15. The Nation, Thaksin's assets frozen, 12 June 2007
16. The Nation, Thaksin: Freeze won't affect Man City deal, 23 June 2007
17. The Nation, Slighted Sawat resigns from AEC, 2 October 2006
18. On the Road to Politics
19. BBC News, Billionaire hopes to score Liverpool deal, 18 May 2004
20. Bangkok Post, Thaksin's classmates close ranks behind him on his 57th birthday, 27 July 2006
21. ProQuest-Dissertation Database
22. Pasuk Phongpaichit & Chris Baker, "The Only Good Populist is a Rich Populist: Thaksin Shinawatra and Thailand's Democracy, October 2002
23. Transcript of an interview between Thaksin Shinawatra and Cheeptham Khamwisit (Thai: ชีพธรรม คำวิเศษณ์) on the Thaiventure.com program on FM 102 radio station
24. Personal background from personal website
25. Google Cache of a JobTopGun profile of AIS's corporate milestones
26. Thaksin Shinawatra-a biography
27. Thai govt pins border hopes on soaps
28. [1]
29. UBC 2004 Annual Report, page 8
30. List of subsidiaries from the AIS website
31. AIS corporate website, [2], click on "About AIS", "Company profile", and then "1990"
32. DTAC, Milestones 2002-1990
33. AIS corporate website, [3], click on "About AIS", "Company profile", and then "1994"
34. Asia Sentinel, Thailand's Thaksin Freeze Out, 14 June 2007
35. Bangkok Post, Shinawatra University, founded by ex-PM, falls on hard times, 23 July 2007
36. [4]
37. [5]
38. [6]
39. Asia Times, Grumbles, revelations of a Thai coup maker, 22 December 2006
40. [7]
41. [8]
42. Pasuk Phongpaichit & Chris Baker, ''Thaksin: The Business of Politics in Thailand'' (Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2004), pp. 57-59.
43. Pasuk & Baker (2004), p. 58.
44. [9]
45. Robert B. Albritton and Thawilwadee Bureekul, Developing Democracy under a New Constitution in Thailand, National Taiwan University and Academia Sinica Asian Barometer Project Office Working Paper Series No. 28, 2004
46. Aurel Croissant and Jörn Dosch, Old Wine in New Bottlenecks? Elections in Thailand under the 1997 Constitution. Leeds East Asia Papers no. 63 (Leeds: University of Leeds, 2001), page 16
47. [10]
48. The World Bank, Thailand Economic Monitor, November 2005
49. Protesters Jam Bangkok, but Rural Thais Love the Leader. ''The New York Times'', 6 March 2006
50. The Star, Dreaded day dawns – despite lies and dark forces, 2 April 2006
51. The Nation, Vandal's dad distraught, 23 March 2006
52. 2Bangkok.com, Fact File: Notable terrorist incidents in Thailand - 1970-present
53. Richard S. Ehrlich, The Phosphorus Bomb Aboard Thai Air, City Times, 12 March 2001
54. BBC News, Bomb responsible for Thai Airways fire, 4 March 2001
55. Kyodo, Thailand's air force, police and Thai Airways International have all set up separate teams to probe, 12 March 2007
56. The World Bank, Thailand Economic Monitor, November 2005
57. Asian Development Bank, Asian Development Outlook 2006: Thailand
58. The Nation, Public debt end-Sept falls to 41.28% of GDP, 17 November 2006
59. World Bank, Thailand Economic Monitor, October 2003
60. The Nation, Black Tuesday: Did the BOT overreact?, 25 December 2006
61. TDRI ECONOMISTS: Thaksinomics 'not a driver of growth' - Wichit Chaitrong, ''The Nation'', March 30, 2006
62. The Nation, Forget the apologies, let the PM rebuild democracy, 5 October 2006
63. Colum Murphy, "A Tug of War for Thailand’s Soul", Far Eastern Economic Review, September 2006
64. The Nation, Ministry suspends lottery sales, 18 November 2006
65. Studying Abroad: Students find Germany challenging
66. Thaksin to visit students when he is unemployed
67. [11]
68. [12]
69. The Nation, Justice permanent secretary to seek abolition of jackpot price of Govt lottery, 5 October 2006
70. The Nation, Lotteries move lacks understanding, 3 May 2007
71. The Nation, Activists call for MCOT delisting, 24 November 2006
72. Bangkok Post, Cabinet replaces Thaksin's SML policy, 13 February 2007
73. Dual-track system
74. Bt30 health scheme still lacks funds, says official
75. Thaksin lauds his own achievements
76. [13]
77. [14]
78. The Nation, Bt30 health fee may be scrapped, 14 October 2006
79. [15]
80. Public Health at Risk: A US Free Trade Agreement could threaten access to medicines in Thailand
81. Adrian Towse, Anne Mills, Viroj Tangcharoensathien, Learning from Thailand’s health reforms, ''British Medical Journal'' Vol 328, 10 January 2004
82. Public Relations Department, Democrat party labour group casts doubts on extension for foreign laboureres, 8 December 2006
83. The Irrawaddy, Restrictions Eased for Migrant Workers in Thailand, 21 July 2004
84. Thai jobless lowest in world, 7 December 2006
85. The War on Drugs, HIV/AIDS, and Violations of Human Rights in Thailand
86. Thailand: Grave Developments - Killings and Other Abuses
87. Royal Jubilee Network, 2003 Birthday Speech of King Bhumibol Adulyadej
88.
89.
90. Bangkok Post, Kanit to chair extrajudicial killings probe
91. [16]
92. [17]
93. "World Bank, Governance Matters, 2006: Worldwide Governance Indicators report", cited by Bangkok Post, Thailand slipping on World Bank score table, 18 September 2006
94. Thai Public Relations Department, Thailand’s Image on Transparency, 26 October 2004
95. Transparency International TI 2005 Corruption Perceptions Index
96. Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2001
97. Thaksin Government 2001 Policy Statement, Section 11.1
98. [18]
99. [19]
100. Thai News Agency, Rote learning to be eliminated from schools, says PM, 21 January 2006
101. The Nation, New student loan scheme to have higher family-income limit, 13 November 2006
102. Suicide puts spotlight on model schools’ money woes
103. THAI TALK: Nightmares haunt dream-school project
104. The Nation, "CROSSING THE DIGITAL DIVIDE: Sipa hopes for equal access for all children nationwide", 15 August 2005
105. Far Eastern Economic Review, "Power Politics Trump Reform", 27 September 2001
106. Post, "Raising sector efficiency `crucial': Utility's B140bn debt strains public purse"
107. The New York Times, U.N. Criticizes Emergency Powers, Warren Hoge, July 22, 2005
108. http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2004/838/
109. Somchai Phatharathananunth "Civil Society and Democratization" p.222
110. Emergency Decree Violates Thai Constitution and Laws
111. [20]
112. Government shrugs off NRC final report
113. Prem disagrees with proposed use of Malay as official language
114. Managerial Reform and Political Control: the Case of Thaksin and the Thai Bureaucracy
115. CEO governors mini-premiers, says PM: Can issue bonds, use management methods
116. Ex-envoy castigates Thaksin's diplomacy:Foreign policy for domestic consumption 'was demeaning'
117. [21]
118. The Nation, Minister says exports on track, 4 February 2007
119. Thaksin's Chance for Leading Role in the Region
120. Ex-envoys tell of 'multi-tasking' premier
121. Ex-envoys slam foreign policy
122. Ex-envoy slam foreign policy
123. French leader’s visit time to reconsider Surakiart’s UN bid
124. Eye on UNESCAP
125. Pongsudhirak Thitinan, "Victory places Thaksin at crossroads", Bangkok Post, February 9, 2005
126. Unprecedented 72% turnout for latest poll
127. Aurel Croissant and Daniel J. Pojar, Jr., Quo Vadis Thailand? Thai Politics after the 2005 Parliamentary Election, Strategic Insights, Volume IV, Issue 6 (June 2005)
128. International Herald Tribune, Thailand's airport imbroglio grows, 2 February 2007
129. Bangkok Post, Suvarnabhumi: No cracks, minor damage, 2 February 2007
130. The Nation, Competent pilot wanted, 15 February 2007
131. Bangkok Post, Suvarnabhumi runway declared safe, 12 February 2007
132. Bangkok Post, B1bn needed to fix terminal problems over four to five years, 16 February 2007
133. Asian Times Online, Cracks appear in Thai aviation-hub hopes, 7 February 2007
134. The Nation, Engineers unable to agree on root cause of airport cracks, 10 February 2007
135. WATCHDOG: In Chaiyasit, PM’s power base more solid than ever
136. Military Re-shuffle: Chaisit out, Prawit ascends
137. Army Commanders of Thailand
138. Thai Rak Thai party no better than a 'prison', vows to fight abuse of sovereign power
139. Kantathi slams diplomats for accusations
140. Community-radio crackdown panned
141. The Nation, Press still in limbo; TRT MPs are now silenced too, 22 November 2006
142. The Nation, Thailand has its 'Hitlers', 5 October 2006
143. Matichon, รุกเปิดเจ้าของ"แอมเพิลริช" จี้"แม้ว"ตอบ ยุแก้ลำเลิกใช้มือถือ"เอไอเอส", 30 January 2006
144. The Nation, Real war has just begun, 16 February 2006
145. Complex transaction a model for avoiding tax, ownership law
146. Thai PM's son violated disclosure laws: SEC
147. Panthongtae escapes with a relatively light penalty
148. The Nation, Shinawatra siblings to take fight to top court, 27 November 2006
149. The Nation, Top official shifts blame: Collection down to Revenue: Suparut, 4 July 2007
150. [22]
151. After Thaksin
152. Thaksin Goes For Jugular in Libel Case
153. Social 'elite' call on King to appoint PM
154. Thaksin on warpath
155. Prem's impatient plea
156. Military Warning: A not so veiled threat for Sondhi
157. The Nation, Thousands of protesters lay siege to Government House, 14 January 2007
158. The Nation, A searing indictment of the coup, 5 March 2007
159. Thair premier unveils new policies
160. Democracy put to the ultimate test
161. Prem stays silent on Democrats' latest call
162. King the only hope for end to deadlock, say PAD protesters
163. Replace PM, professionals urge Palace
164. HM the King's April 26 speeches (unofficial translation)
165. Thai Rak Thai win 16 million votes: Thaksin
166. 38 one-horse candidates fail
167. Second round of elections be held on April 23
168. Democrat asks court to cancel 2nd round of election
169. PAD ignores vote results
170. End of the beginning in Thailand's crisis May 19, 2006
171. Constitution Court invalidate the April election and order new election
172. Thaksin's 'victory' declaration
173. Thai leader claims victory
174. Thai PM Thaksin says he'll step down
175. Thai PM Thaksin says he'll stop down
176. I will not accept post of premier in the next government: Thaksin
177. Bangkokians believe in courts: survey
178. Poll: Doubts over 'large party
179. PAD leaders swear to fight on to eradicate Thaksin regime
180. Thai rally toasts Thaksin's exit
181. New parties sprouting already
182. Thanksin's leave illegal: lawyers
183. Lawyer asks Supreme Administrative Court to accept suit against Thaksin
184. Top court reaffirms ruling on PM case
185. Thaksin back from "leave"
186. (Thai) Khom Chad Luek newspaper, "Academic warns Thaksin that politics has reached boiling point. Beware of assassinations." (นักวิชาการเตือน"ทักษิณ" การเมืองระอุระวังลอบฆ่า), 22 May 2006
187. ปฏิญญาฟินแลนด์ ยุทธศาสตร์ทักษิณ (Finland Plan - Thaksin's Strategy)
188. ชาติ ศาสนา พระมหากษัตริย์และ...ปฏิญญาฟินแลนด์ (Nation, Religion, the Monarchy, and .... the Finland Plan)
189. ยุทธศาสตร์ฟินแลนด์:แผนเปลี่ยนการปกครองไทย? (The Finland Strategy: A plan to change the system of Thai government?)
190. ยุทธการท้าทายอำนาจ (Strategy to challenge power)
191. Thaksin clearly wanted republic, critics charge
192. THAILAND: Sondhi expands on 'Finland Plan'
193. TRT goes on offensive over 'Finland Plan'
194. ปชป.เชื่อปฏิญญาฟินแลนด์มีจริง จี้ ทรท.ตอบคำถามสังคม
195. THAILAND: Manager sued for articles on 'Finland plot'
196. Hatred debases public discourse
197. Sondhi files complaint over PM's ouster claim
198. Group of women of royal descent calls on Thaksin to name "charismatic figure"
199. The Nation, "Explosives 'live and ready for detonation'", 26 August 2006
200. Bangkok Post, "A controversial figure", 25 August 2006
201. The Nation, "Explosives 'live and ready for detonation'", 26 August 2006
202. The Nation, It is not a hoax : police spokesman, 25 August 2006
203. http://nationmultimedia.com/2006/08/25/national/national_30011902.php The Nation, 'If I was behind it, PM would be dead', 25 August 2006, Retrieved 25 August 2006
204. Bangkok Post, "Thaksin escapes bomb, fires Gen Panlop", 25 August 2006
205. The Nation, "Army officer arrested in alleged car bomb attempt is Pallop's driver: police", 25 August 2006
206. The Nation, "'If I was behind it, PM would be dead'", 25 August 2006
207. The Nation, 'Car bomb' a govt ploy, ex-security chief alleges, 25 August 2006
208. BBC, Thai arrests over Thaksin 'plot', 7 September 2006
209. The Nation, Car-bomb suspects get bail, 30 September 2006
210. Thai armed forces seize Bangkok
211. Caretaker PM tries to fight back
212. One night in Bangkok, 19 September 2006
213. Statement from the military reformist
214. Bangkok Post, ICT Ministry blocks pro-Thaksin website, 15 March 2007
215. The Nation, Stronger leadership needed from the top, 27 December 2006
216. Sonthaya leads 20 members out of Thai Rak Thai
217. Somsak leads 100 members to resign from Thai Rak Thai
218. Thaksin resigns from Thai Rak Thai
219. Somkid resigns from Thai Rak Thai Party
220. The Nation, Thaksin vows to quit politics - Chaturon, 14 November 2006
221. The Nation, TRT will probably be dissolved: Sonthi, 2 February 2007
222. The Nation, Witnesses deny earlier evidence, 21 February 2007
223. ''The Nation'', Surayud suspects "power losers", January 1 2007
224. The Nation, Thaksin advised to stay abroad for a long time, 17 October 2006
225. The Nation, Deposed PM's in China to meet Surayud : Gen Sonthi, 2 November 2006
226. The Nation, PM quashes Thaksin return, 13 November 2006
227. The Nation, I want to tell Thaksin "don't ever come back," : PM, 26 April 2007
228. The Nation, Compelling non-political reasons for Thaksin to stay put, 14 November 2006
229. The Nation, FM cancel ousted premier and wife's diplomatic passports, 10 January 2007
230. The Nation, Ousted Thaksin applies for a new passport after his suitcase was stolen in Russia, 24 May 2007
231. ''Asia Sentinel'', Thailand's Singapore Problem, 19 January 2007
232. ''Bangkok Post'', Govt assessing Thaksin's visit to Singapore; CNN censored, 15 January 2007
233. The Nation, The saga of Thaksin is nearing end, says Sonthi, 6 February 2007
234. The Nation, Thaksin impolite to King: Sonthi, 4 March 2007
235. The Nation, Deposed PM crticised for attacking sufficiency economy, 7 February 2007
236. Bangkok Post, Investigator seeks evidence of corruption by Thaksin govt, 5 November 2006
237. Bangkok Post, The clock ticks on Thaksin investigations, 5 March 2007
238. Bangkok Post, Thaksin lese majeste charges dropped, 10 April 2007
239. The Nation, FIDF to sue ousted premier, Pojaman, 16 January 2007
240. The Nation, Pridiyathorn speaks up for Pojaman, 19 April 2007
241. The Nation, Fund 'was not aware' it sold land plot for loss, 24 January 2007
242. Asia-Pacific, BBC News, Thai court will open ex-PM case, 10 July 2007
243. Bangkok Post, Tax officials work in fear of losing jobs, 16 April 2007
244. Bangkok Post, Ousted PM 'destroyed' free market, 9 May 2007
245. The Nation, Saprang's cousin given PR work 'because of experience', 11 April 2007
246. ผู้จัดการออนไลน์, “สนธิ” ย้ำเหตุบึ้มไม่ใช่ฝีมือกองทัพ - โบ้ยถามหมอดูพีทีวี, 6 พฤษภาคม 2550
247. ABC Foreign Correspondent Interview with Thaksin Shinawatra
248. The Nation, Thaksin becomes Thai golf president, 1 May 2007
249. Reuters, NEWSMAKER-City takeover keeps Thaksin in the political limelight, 6 July 2007
250. PLUS Markets Group [23], 7 July 2007
251. Official Manchester City website, [24], 6 July 2007
252. The Nation, Ousted PM calls Bangkok radio show, 17 May 2007
253. The Nation, Two men arrested for running community radio station without license, 19 May 2007
254. Bangkok Post, After Thaksin calls, officials drop by, May 2007
255. The Nation, Radio station told to shut down, 18 May 2007
256. Bangkok Post, FM station raided and shut down, 18 May 2007
257. Brisbane Times, Thailand launches media crackdown, 18 May 2007
258. Bangkok Post, Community radio stations under siege, May 2007
259. The Nation, Government falls for Thaksin's trap, 19 May 2007
260. Bangkok Post, Two more Internet sites chopped, 28 May 2007
261. Bangkok Post, THAKSINTALKS POLITICS, 9 July 2007
262. TRT DISSOLVED, 31 May 2007
263. [www.ect.go.th/English/files/forum/Organic%20law%20on%20Political%20Parties.pdf Organic Law on Political Parties]
264. Constitutional Tribunal ruling
265. Bangkok Post, Letter from London: 'I'm so sorry', 31 May 2007
266. Bangkok Post, Thaksin urges supporters accept ruling, 31 May 2007
267. Bangkok Post, Thaksin's supporters plan to protest, 31 May 2007
268. New York Times, [25], 30 May 2007
269. The Nation, [26], 1 June 2007
270. Channel NewsAsia, Thai verdicts have realigned the political landscape: analyst, 3 June 2007
271. AHRC, THAILAND: The judiciary is the real loser, 31 May 2007
272. Bangkok Post, Sonthi denies influencing Tribunal, 2 June 2007
273. Bangkok Post, Meechai calls for compromise, 5 June 2007
274. The Nation, Retroactive ruling 'fully justified', 17 June 2007
275. The Nation, Thai Rak Thai thwarted, 27 July 2007
276. The Nation, National Legislative Assembly appointed, 12 October 2006
277. Bangkok Post, Sonthi dares Thaksin to return, 13 June 2007
278. The Nation, All funds can be accounted for: lawyer, 15 June 2007
279. Bangkok Post, Thaksin ordered to return, 19 June 2007
280. IHT, Junta orders Thaksin back to Thailand, 19 June 2007
281. The Nation, AEC to look into source of money, 24 June 2007
282. Bangkok Post, Defence Minister demands Thaksin return
283. The Nation, Thaksin prefers to live in exile in China, 24 July 2007

External links

★ Thaksin Shinawatra’s official website, in Thai

★ Short biography at the website of the Thai embassy to the USA

★ Thaksinomics

★ Screenshots of Thaksin in ''Back Stage Show'', a reality show

★ High tension in Thailand - a chronology of events in the political crisis of 2005-2006

★ NewMandala, some good up-to-date commentary on Thaksin and the coup.

★ Thaksin's 15 January 2007 interview on CNN, censored by the military junta

★ Satire: "Mr T" interview

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