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EspañolUNITED STATES HOUSE COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS
The 'Committee on Appropriations', or 'Appropriations Committee' (often referred to as simply "Appropriations", as in "He's on Appropriations") is a committee of the United States House of Representatives. It is in charge of setting the specific expenditures of money by the government of the United States. As such, it is one of the most powerful of the committees, and its members are seen as influential.
The constitutional basis for the Appropriations Committee comes from Article one, Section nine, Clause seven of the U.S. Constitution, which states that:
:No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.
This clearly delegated the power of appropriating money to Congress, but was vague beyond that. Originally, the power of appropriating was taken by the Committee on Ways and Means, but the United States Civil War placed a large burden on the Congress, and at the end of that conflict, a reorganization occurred.
The Committee was created on December 11, 1865, when the House separated the tasks of the Committee on Ways and Means into three parts. The passage of legislation affecting taxes remained with Ways and Means. The power to regulate banking was transferred to the Committee on Banking and Commerce. The power to appropriate money--to control the federal pursestrings--was given to the newly-created Appropriations Committee.
At the time the membership of the committee stood at nine; it currently has 66 members. The power of the committee has only grown since its founding; many of its members and chairmen have gone on to even higher posts. For example, three of them--Samuel Randall (D-PA), Joseph Cannon (R-IL), and Joseph Byrns (D-TN)--have gone on to become the Speaker of the House, and one, James Garfield, has gone on to become President.
The root of the Committee's power is its ability to disburse funds, and thus as the federal budget has risen, so has the power of the Appropriations Committee. The first budget of the U.S., in 1789, was for $639,000--a hefty sum for the time, but a much smaller amount relative to the economy than the federal budget would later become. By the time the Appropriations committee was founded, the Civil War and inflation had raised expenditures to roughly $1.3 billion, increasing the clout of Appropriations. Expenditures continued to follow this pattern--rising sharply during wars before settling down--for over 100 years.
Another important development for Appropriations occurred in the presidency of Warren G. Harding. Harding was the first President to deliver a budget proposal to Congress (see United States budget process).
In the early 1970s, the Appropriations committee faced a crisis. President Richard Nixon began "impounding" funds, not allowing them to be spent, even when Congress had specifically appropriated money for a cause. This was essentially a line-item veto. Numerous court cases were filed by outraged interest groups and members of Congress. Eventually, the sense that Congress needed to regain control of the budget process led to the adoption of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which finalized the budget process in its current form.
The Appropriations committee is widely recognized by political scientists as one of the "power committees," since it holds the power of the purse. Openings on the Appropriations committee are often hotly demanded, and are doled out as rewards. Much of the power of the committee comes from the inherent utility of controlling spending. Its subcommittee chairmen are often called "Cardinals" because of the power they wield over the budget.
Since Congress is elected from single-member districts, how well the member secures rewards for his or her district is one of the best indicator as to whether or not he or she will be reelected. One way to achieve popularity in one's district is to it bring federal spending, thus creating jobs and raising economic performance. This type of spending is often derided by critics as pork barrel spending, while those who engage in it generally defend it as necessary and appropriate expenditure of government funds. The members of the Appropriations committee can do this better than most, and as such the appointment is regarded as a plus. This help can also be directed towards other members, increasing the stature of committee members in the House and helping them gain support for leadership positions or other honors.
The committee tends to be less partisan than other committees or the House overall. While the minority party will offer amendments during committee consideration, appropriations bills often get significant bipartisan support, both in committee and on the House floor. This atmosphere can be attributed to the fact that all committee members have a compelling interest in ensuring legislation will contain money for their own districts. Conversely, because members of this committee can easily steer money to their home districts, it is considered very difficult to unseat a member of this committee at an election--especially if he or she is a "Cardinal."
In addition, the ability to appropriate money is useful to lobbyists and interest groups; as such, being on Appropriations makes it easier to collect campaign contributions (see campaign finance).
==Members, 110th Congress==
In 2007, the number of subcommittees was expanded to 12 in 2007 at the start of the 110th Congress. This reorganization, developed by Chairman David Obey and his Senate counterpart, Robert Byrd, for the first time provided for common subcommittee structures between both houses, a move that both chairmen hope will allow Congress to "complete action on each of the government funding on time for the first time since 1994."[1]
The new structure adds a new Subcommittee on Financial Services and General Government transfers jurisdiction over Legislative Branch appropriations from the full committee to the newly reinstated Legislative Branch Subcommittee, which last existed during the 108th Congress.
The Select Intelligence Oversight Panel is an advisory subcommittee of the Appropriations Committee created in 2007. It can hold hearings and receive testimony, but has no jurisdiction over appropriations legislation. Its primary purpose is to advise the full committee and the defense subcommittee on issues related to the federal intelligence budget.
★ United States Senate Committee on Appropriations
★ Official site
1. http://appropriations.house.gov/News/pr_070104.shtml Senate, House Appropriations Set Subcommittee Plans for New Congress
| Contents |
| History |
| Role |
| Committee reorganization during the 110th Congress |
| Subcommittees |
| Select Intelligence Oversight Panel |
| Chairmen, 1865-present |
| See also |
| External link |
| References |
History
The constitutional basis for the Appropriations Committee comes from Article one, Section nine, Clause seven of the U.S. Constitution, which states that:
:No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.
This clearly delegated the power of appropriating money to Congress, but was vague beyond that. Originally, the power of appropriating was taken by the Committee on Ways and Means, but the United States Civil War placed a large burden on the Congress, and at the end of that conflict, a reorganization occurred.
The Committee was created on December 11, 1865, when the House separated the tasks of the Committee on Ways and Means into three parts. The passage of legislation affecting taxes remained with Ways and Means. The power to regulate banking was transferred to the Committee on Banking and Commerce. The power to appropriate money--to control the federal pursestrings--was given to the newly-created Appropriations Committee.
At the time the membership of the committee stood at nine; it currently has 66 members. The power of the committee has only grown since its founding; many of its members and chairmen have gone on to even higher posts. For example, three of them--Samuel Randall (D-PA), Joseph Cannon (R-IL), and Joseph Byrns (D-TN)--have gone on to become the Speaker of the House, and one, James Garfield, has gone on to become President.
The root of the Committee's power is its ability to disburse funds, and thus as the federal budget has risen, so has the power of the Appropriations Committee. The first budget of the U.S., in 1789, was for $639,000--a hefty sum for the time, but a much smaller amount relative to the economy than the federal budget would later become. By the time the Appropriations committee was founded, the Civil War and inflation had raised expenditures to roughly $1.3 billion, increasing the clout of Appropriations. Expenditures continued to follow this pattern--rising sharply during wars before settling down--for over 100 years.
Another important development for Appropriations occurred in the presidency of Warren G. Harding. Harding was the first President to deliver a budget proposal to Congress (see United States budget process).
In the early 1970s, the Appropriations committee faced a crisis. President Richard Nixon began "impounding" funds, not allowing them to be spent, even when Congress had specifically appropriated money for a cause. This was essentially a line-item veto. Numerous court cases were filed by outraged interest groups and members of Congress. Eventually, the sense that Congress needed to regain control of the budget process led to the adoption of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which finalized the budget process in its current form.
Role
The Appropriations committee is widely recognized by political scientists as one of the "power committees," since it holds the power of the purse. Openings on the Appropriations committee are often hotly demanded, and are doled out as rewards. Much of the power of the committee comes from the inherent utility of controlling spending. Its subcommittee chairmen are often called "Cardinals" because of the power they wield over the budget.
Since Congress is elected from single-member districts, how well the member secures rewards for his or her district is one of the best indicator as to whether or not he or she will be reelected. One way to achieve popularity in one's district is to it bring federal spending, thus creating jobs and raising economic performance. This type of spending is often derided by critics as pork barrel spending, while those who engage in it generally defend it as necessary and appropriate expenditure of government funds. The members of the Appropriations committee can do this better than most, and as such the appointment is regarded as a plus. This help can also be directed towards other members, increasing the stature of committee members in the House and helping them gain support for leadership positions or other honors.
The committee tends to be less partisan than other committees or the House overall. While the minority party will offer amendments during committee consideration, appropriations bills often get significant bipartisan support, both in committee and on the House floor. This atmosphere can be attributed to the fact that all committee members have a compelling interest in ensuring legislation will contain money for their own districts. Conversely, because members of this committee can easily steer money to their home districts, it is considered very difficult to unseat a member of this committee at an election--especially if he or she is a "Cardinal."
In addition, the ability to appropriate money is useful to lobbyists and interest groups; as such, being on Appropriations makes it easier to collect campaign contributions (see campaign finance).
==Members, 110th Congress==
Committee reorganization during the 110th Congress
In 2007, the number of subcommittees was expanded to 12 in 2007 at the start of the 110th Congress. This reorganization, developed by Chairman David Obey and his Senate counterpart, Robert Byrd, for the first time provided for common subcommittee structures between both houses, a move that both chairmen hope will allow Congress to "complete action on each of the government funding on time for the first time since 1994."[1]
The new structure adds a new Subcommittee on Financial Services and General Government transfers jurisdiction over Legislative Branch appropriations from the full committee to the newly reinstated Legislative Branch Subcommittee, which last existed during the 108th Congress.
Subcommittees
Select Intelligence Oversight Panel
The Select Intelligence Oversight Panel is an advisory subcommittee of the Appropriations Committee created in 2007. It can hold hearings and receive testimony, but has no jurisdiction over appropriations legislation. Its primary purpose is to advise the full committee and the defense subcommittee on issues related to the federal intelligence budget.
Chairmen, 1865-present
See also
★ United States Senate Committee on Appropriations
External link
★ Official site
References
1. http://appropriations.house.gov/News/pr_070104.shtml Senate, House Appropriations Set Subcommittee Plans for New Congress
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