'Ziaur Rahman' ( ''Ziaur Rôhman'') (
January 19 1936 –
May 30 1981) was the
President of Bangladesh and the founder of the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party. Popularly called 'Zia', he is also sometimes referred to as a 'Shaheed' (''Martyr''). His widow
Begum Khaleda Zia has served as
Prime Minister of Bangladesh three times.
An officer in the
Pakistan Army, Zia's unit captured the
Kalurghat radio station at the onset of the
Bangladesh Liberation War and declared the independence of Bangladesh on behalf of
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Recognised as a war hero, he was honoured with the
Bir Uttom in 1972. A high-ranking officer in the
Bangladesh Army, Zia was appointed
chief of army staff following the
assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975. Although briefly overthrown in a
counter-coup, Zia returned to power in a military coup organised by Colonel
Abu Taher.
Declaring himself president in 1977, Zia won a referendum held in 1978. Founding the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Zia won widespread popular support for stabilising the nation and leading it in a new direction. A
right-wing politician, Zia established
free-market policies in a 19-point programme of industrialisation and development. He adopted policies bringing the government increasingly under
Islam, which he included in the
national constitution. Zia controversially pardoned the assassins of Sheikh Mujib by signing the ''
Indemnity Act'' and rehabilitated individuals who had supported the Pakistan Army. A popular yet controversial leader, Zia was
assassinated in 1981 in an abortive military coup.
Early life
'Ziaur Rahman' was born in the village of Bagbari in the
Bogra District of the province of
Bengal (now in northwest Bangladesh), although by some other accounts he was born in the city of
Calcutta.
[1] His father, Mansur Rahman, was a
chemist working for a government department in Kolkata. Zia's childhood was divided between living in the village and the city. He was later enrolled into the
Hare School in Kolkata.
[2] With the
partition of India in 1947, Mansur Rahman opted to join the new Muslim state of
Pakistan, moving his family to
East Pakistan. The family later moved to
Karachi, the national capital located in
West Pakistan, where Mansur Rahman had been transferred to work for the
Government of Pakistan. Zia was enrolled in the Academy School in Karachi.
[2]
Zia spent his adolescent years in Karachi and enrolled in the D. J. College there in 1953. In the same year, he entered the
Pakistan Military Academy in Kakul as an
officer cadet. He was commissioned as a
second lieutenant in the
Pakistan Army in 1955. After serving for two years in Karachi, he was transferred to the
East Bengal Regiment in 1957. From 1959 to 1964 he worked in the department of
military intelligence.
[2] In 1960, his marriage was arranged to Khaleda Zia, a young Bengali girl from the
Dinajpur District who was 15 years old.
[5] Khaleda Zia remained with her parents in East Pakistan to complete her studies and joined her husband in Karachi in 1965. During the
Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia served in the
Khemkaran sector in
Punjab as the commander of a
company unit of 300–500 soldiers. The sector was the scene of the most intense battles between the rival armies. Zia's unit won one of the highest numbers of gallantry awards for heroic performances.
2
In 1966, Zia was appointed military instructor at the Pakistan Military Academy, later going on to attend the prestigious
Command and Staff College in
Quetta, where he completed a course in command and tactical warfare. Advocating that the Pakistan Army make greater efforts to recruit and encourage Bengali military officers, Zia helped raise two Bengali
battalions during his stint as instructor.
[6] Trained for high-ranking command posts, Zia joined the 2nd East Bengal regiment as its second-in-command at Joydevpur in 1969. Although sectarian tensions between East and West Pakistan were intensifying, Zia travelled to
West Germany to receive advanced military and command training with the
German Army and
NATO.
2
Zia returned to Pakistan the following year, and witnessed political turmoil and regional division. East Pakistan had been devastated by the
1970 Bhola cyclone, and the population had been embittered by the slow response of the central government.
[7] The political conflict between Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's
Awami League, which had won a majority in the 1970 elections, the President
Yahya Khan and West Pakistani politician
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had brought sectarian tensions to a climax. Sheikh Mujib laid claim to form a government, but Yahya Khan postponed the convening of the legislature under pressure from West Pakistani politicians.
[8] Bengali civil and military officers had alleged institutional discrimination through the 1960s, and now distrust had divided the Pakistani Army. Upon his return, Zia attained the rank of
Major and was transferred to the 8th East Bengal regiment stationed in
Chittagong to serve as its second-in-command.
Rebel commander
Following the failure of last-ditch talks, Yahya Khan declared
martial law and ordered the army to crack down on Bengali political activities. Before his arrest, Sheikh Mujib declared the independence of Bangladesh on
March 26 1971 and exhorted the people of East Pakistan to resist the army. One of the highest-ranking Bengali officers, Zia led his unit in mutiny of the Pakistan Army, murdering the West Pakistani officers and capturing a radio station in
Kalurghat near Chittagong and calling it the
Shadhin Bangla Betar Kendro. On
March 27, addressing the people via radio, Zia delivered Sheikh Mujib's address and declared independence on his behalf and pronounced himself "Head of the Republic":
[9]
Zia was appointed commander of
Mukti Bahini (''Liberation Army'') forces in the
Chittagong Hill Tracts, working under General
M. A. G. Osmani, the supreme commander.
2 He worked to provide support and resources to the Mukti Bahini guerilla force and coordinate attacks against the West Pakistani army. At a later phase of the war, Zia travelled across the border into India to receive military resources and training for his troops. Zia also helped coordinate the work of Bangladesh's government-in-exile of
Mujibnagar. On
June 1 1971 Zia became the commander of the first conventional
brigade of the Mukti Bahini, which was named "Z Force," after the first initial of his name. This brigade consisted of 1st, 3rd and 8th East Bengali regiments, enabling Zia to launch major attacks on Pakistani forces. During the war his family was placed under house arrest. The guerrilla war continued until the
direct intervention of the
Indian Army, which captured
Dhaka and forced the surrender of Pakistani forces on
December 16 1971.
Upon his release, Sheikh Mujib assumed charge of the new state's government, and the Indian Army transferred control to the newly-formed
Bangladesh Army on
March 17 1972. Having earned a reputation for courageous leadership during the war, Zia was awarded the
Bir Uttom, the second-highest military honour. He was given command of a brigade stationed in
Comilla, and in June he was appointed deputy chief of army staff.
2 He was later promoted to the rank of
Major General by the end of 1973. As a high-ranking commander, Zia oversaw the training and development of the army.
Coup of 1975 and its aftermath
By 1975, Sheikh Mujib's assumption of dictatorial powers had disillusioned and angered many Bangladeshis, including army officers. On
August 15 1975 Sheikh Mujib and his family were murdered by a group of military officers.
Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, one of the key plotters of the coup, took over as president, and appointed Major General Ziaur Rahman as chief of army staff.
2 It is not known if Zia had himself helped plot the coup against Sheikh Mujib, but he had now become one of the most powerful men in the nation.
[10] However, the coup caused a period of instability and unrest in Bangladesh. Brigadier
Khaled Mosharraf and the Dhaka Brigade under Colonel
Shafat Jamil made a counter-coup on
November 3 1975, and Ziaur Rahman was forced to resign and was put under house arrest.
A third coup was staged under Colonel
Abu Taher and a group of socialist military officers and supporters of the
left-wing Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal on
November 7, called the ''
Sipoy-Janata Biplob'' (''Soldiers and People's Coup'').
[10] Brigadier Mosharraf was killed and Colonel Jamil arrested, while Colonel Taher freed Ziaur Rahman and re-appointed him as army chief. Following a major meeting at the army headquarters, an interim government was formed with Justice
Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem as chief martial law administrator and Zia,
Air Vice Marshal M. G. Tawab and
Rear Admiral M. H. Khan as his deputies.
2[10] Zia also took on the portfolios of finance, home affairs, industry and information along with becoming the army chief of staff.
[13] Fearing that Abu Taher, a well-known socialist, would attempt to organise another revolt, Zia ordered his arrest. Following a secret trial in a military court, Zia authorised the execution of Colonel Taher on
July 21 1976. Zia became the sole chief martial law administrator following Justice Sayem's elevation to the presidency on
November 19 1976. He tried to integrate the armed forces, giving repatriates a status appropriate to their qualifications and seniority. While this angered some veterans of the Mukti Bahini, who had rapidly reached high positions, Zia defused potential threats from discontented officers by sending them on diplomatic missions abroad.
[14]
President of Bangladesh
Major General Zia
Major General Ziaur Rahman became the 6th President of Bangladesh on
April 21 1977 following Justice Sayem's resignation on grounds of "ill health," which many believed was simply a pretext for Zia's rise to power with the army's backing.
[15] Although Sayem had held the title of president, historians believe it was Zia who exercised real power. Sayem had promised early elections, but Zia postponed the plans.
[15] The years of disorder had left most of Bangladesh's state institutions in disarray, with constant threats of military coups amidst strikes and protests. Assuming full control of the state, Zia banned political parties, censored the media, re-imposed martial law and ordered the army to arrest dissidents. Martial law restored order across the country to a large measure, although Zia crushed several attempted uprisings with ruthless measures.
[14]
In late September 1977, a group of
Japanese Red Army terrorists hijacked an airplane and forced it to land in Dhaka. On
September 30, while the attention of the government was riveted on this event, a mutiny broke out in Bogra. Although the mutiny was quickly quelled on the night of
October 2, a second mutiny occurred in Dhaka.
[14] The mutineers unsuccessfully attacked Zia's residence, captured Dhaka Radio for a short time and killed a number of air force officers at Dhaka international airport, where they were gathered for negotiations with the hijackers. The army quickly put down the rebellion, but the government was severely shaken. Government intelligence had failed and Zia promptly dismissed both the military and the civilian intelligence chiefs.
[14] Special tribunals dealt harshly with the large groups of bandits, smugglers and guerrilla bands operating across the country.
[14] The size of Bangladeshi police forces was doubled and the strength of the army increased from 50,000 to 90,000 soldiers.
2
Restoration of democracy
Despite his forceful exercise of power, Zia remained under pressure to restore democracy.
[21][22] He legalised political parties and revoked media censorship. In February 1978, he founded a broad coalition of supporters, known as the
Jatiyatabadi Ganatantrik Dal (''Nationalist Democratic Party''), with Vice President
Abdus Sattar as its head.
[23] Zia called a presidential election in which he was elected by securing 76.67% of the votes against a front led by General Osmani.
[24] Although many observers believe that Zia would have won the election with a wide margin of support anyway, the collusion of civil servants, village council officials and military authorities on Zia's behalf is believed to have shaped the final result.
[25] Seeking to expand his political base, Zia amalgamated his coalition of supporters into the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which was officially founded on
September 1 1978. Zia himself served as the first party chairman, with Vice President Abdus Sattar,
A.Q.M. Badruddoza Chowdhury and other loyalists controlling the organisation. Seeking to develop a broad political party, Zia adopted an "open arms policy" inviting activists, intellectuals and civil servants from across the political spectrum. Seeking to firmly establish his authority, Zia called fresh parliamentary elections in February 1979, with the BNP winning 207 out of the total 300 seats.
[24] Following the convening of the BNP-led parliament, the Jatiya Sangsad, Zia lifted martial law on
April 5 1979.
[22] Ending his army career, Zia appointed Gen.
Hossain Mohammad Ershad as army chief and appointed civilians to important ministerial and civil posts. He prohibited military officials from holding civilian posts. Zia began dressing and appearing in public as a civilian leader, conspicuous for consistently wearing dark sunglasses. In 2005, a higher court in Dhaka declared the tenure of Kh. Mustaque Ahmed, Justice Sayem and Ziaur Rahman as illegal. Zia's wife Begum Khaleda Zia was in power in 2005 and her government dominated the higher courts by posting partisan people as judges. Justice Hasan was such an example and retired as Chief Justice
[14]
Domestic and foreign policies
Zia had taken charge of a nation suffering from severe poverty, chronic unemployment, shortages and economic stagnation. Muting the state's commitment to socialism, Zia announced a "19-point programme" which emphasised self-reliance, rural development, decentralisation and population control. Zia worked energetically and spent much of his time traveling throughout the country, preaching the "politics of hope" by continually urging all Bangladeshis to work harder and to produce more.
[14] Zia focused on boosting agricultural and industrial production, especially in food and grains, and to integrate rural development through a variety of programs, of which population planning was the most important. Working with the proposals of international lending agencies, he launched an ambitious rural development program in 1977, which included a highly visible and popular food-for-work program.
[14] He promoted private sector development, exports growth and the reversing of the collectivisation of farms. His government reduced quotas and restrictions on agriculture and industrial activities.
[31] Zia launched major projects to construct irrigation canals, power stations, dams, roads and other public works. Directing his campaign to mobilise rural support and development, Zia established ''Gram Sarkar'' (''Village Councils'') system of self-government and the "Village Defence Party" system of security and crime prevention. Programmes to promote primary and adult education on a mass scale were initiated and focused mainly across rural Bangladesh. During this period, Bangladesh's economy achieved fast economic and industrial growth.
[2]
Zia began reorienting Bangladesh's foreign policy, addressing the concerns of nationalists who believed that Bangladesh was reliant on Indian economic and military aid. Zia withdrew from his predecessors' affinity with the
Soviet bloc, developing closer relations with the
United States and
Western Europe. Zia also moved to harmonise ties with
Saudi Arabia and the
People's Republic of China, who had opposed Bangladesh's creation and had not recognised it till 1975. Zia also dropped the demands of reparations and an official apology demanded by Sheikh Mujib and moved to normalise relations with Pakistan. While distancing Bangladesh from India, Zia sought to improve ties with other Islamic nations. Zia's move towards Islamic state policies improved the nation's standing in the
Middle East.
[14] Zia also proposed an organisation of the nations of
South Asia to bolster economic and political co-operation at a regional level.
[2] This proposal materialised in 1985 with the creation of the
South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation in Dhaka.
Islam and nationalism
President Zia at a BNP conference
Zia moved to lead the nation in a new direction, significantly different from the ideology and agenda of Sheikh Mujib.
[14] He issued a proclamation order amending the constitution, increasing the direct influence and role of
Islam on the government. In the preamble, he inserted the salutation ''"Bismillahir-Rahmaanir-Rahim"'' (''In the name of
Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful''). In Article 8(1) and 8(1A) the statement ''"absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah"'' was added, replacing the commitment to
secularism.
Socialism was redefined as ''"economic and social justice."'' Zia further introduced provisions to allow Muslims to practice the social and legal injunctions of the
Shariat and
Sunnah.
[36] In Article 25(2), Zia introduced the principle that ''"the state shall endeavour to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity."''
[2] Zia's edits to the constitution redefined the nature of the republic from the secularism laid out by Sheikh Mujib and his supporters.
[36] Islamic religious education was introduced as a compulsory subject in Bangladeshi schools, with provisions for non-Muslim students to learn of their own religions.
[39]
In public speeches and policies that he formulated, Zia began expounding "Bangladeshi nationalism," as opposed to Mujib's assertion of a Bengali national identity. Zia emphasised the national role of Islam (as practised by the majority of Bangladeshis). Claiming to promote an inclusive national identity, Zia reached out to non-Bengali minorities such as the
Santals,
Garos,
Manipuris and
Chakmas, as well as the
Urdu-speaking peoples of
Bihari origin. However, many of these groups were predominantly
Hindu and
Buddhist and were alienated by Zia's promotion of political Islam. In an effort to promote cultural assimilation and economic development, Zia appointed a
Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Commission in 1976, but resisted holding a political dialogue with the representatives of the hill tribes on the issue of autonomy and cultural self-preservation.
[40] On
July 2 1977 Ziaur Rahman organised a tribal convention to promote a dialogue between the government and tribal groups. However, most cultural and political issues would remain unresolved and intermittent incidents of inter-community violence and militancy occurred throughout Zia's rule.
[40]
Indemnity
As Bangladesh's ruler, Zia enacted several controversial measures, ostensibly to win the support of Islamic political parties and opponents of the Awami League. He revoked the ban on the
Jamaat-e-Islami, which was widely believed to have collaborated with the Pakistani army and in committing
war crimes against civilians.
Golam Azam, the exiled chief of the Jammat-e-Islami, was allowed to come back in July 1978 with a Pakistani passport on a visitor's visa, and he remained in Bangladesh following its expiry. He was not brought to trial over his alleged role in committing wartime atrocities, and Jamaat leaders were appointed in ministerial posts.
[39] Zia also rehabilitated
Shah Azizur Rahman, a high-profile opponent of the creation of Bangladesh, and several men accused of murdering Sheikh Mujib. Using the BNP's two-thirds majority in parliament, Zia obtained the passage of the ''
Indemnity Act'', which stated that no trial will happen and no case can be made for the assassination of Sheikh Mujib.
[43] The Indemnity Act was later incorporated as the 5th amendment to the constitution, legalising the military coups, martial law and other political events between 1975 to 1979. Zia also gave Sheikh Mujib's assassins
Major Dalim,
Major Rashid, and
Major Faruk jobs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and in subsequent years they were appointed ambassadors of Bangladesh to African and Middle Eastern nations. Azizur Rahman was appointed Bangladesh's prime minister, serving through Zia's tenure in the presidency.
[44]
Assassination
Main articles: Assassination of Ziaur Rahman
Large processions follow the funeral of Zia
During his term of power, Zia was criticised for ruthless treatment of his political opposition.
[45] Although he enjoyed overall popularity and public confidence, Zia's rehabilitation of some of the most controversial men in Bangladesh aroused fierce opposition from the supporters of the Awami League and veterans of the
Mukti Bahini. Amidst speculation and fears of unrest, Zia went on tour to Chittagong on
May 29 1981 to help resolve an intra-party political dispute in the regional BNP. Zia and his entourage stayed overnight at the Chittagong Circuit House, a rest house. In the early hours of the morning of
May 30, he was assassinated by a group of army officers along with six bodyguards and two aides.
[46]
Zia's killing came as a central part of a botched military coup attempt led by Major General
Abul Monjur, who announced the killing and his take-over of the government on radio.
[46] Monjur had earlier been a senior army commander and had been transferred to Chittagong in 1977. He was scheduled for a new transfer to a non-command position in Dhaka and was reportedly disappointed over his impending demotion.
[45] However, Vice President Abdus Sattar quickly reaffirmed control of the government, placed the military on high alert and ordered it to track down the conspirators and quash the revolt.
[46] The army, under its chief of staff Gen. Ershad remained loyal to the Dhaka government and moved to quickly put down the rebellion and execute Monjur. In the trials that followed, a sizable number of officers and enlisted men received death penalty for complicity. Zia was buried at the
Chandrima Uddan in the locality of
Sher-e-Banglanagar in Dhaka.
2 Large processions of supporters and BNP activists attended the funeral. Vice President Abdus Sattar immediately succeeded him, and led the BNP to victory in elections held in 1981. However, army chief Gen. Ershad overthrew this government in a coup on
March 24 1982.
Criticism and legacy
Ziaur Rahman is considered one of the most important and controversial political leaders of Bangladesh.
[14] Zia is criticised by historians and the supporters of the Awami League for rehabilitating the assassins of Mujibur Rahman. Jurists regard this as a gross obstruction of justice and legitimisation of political murder, to which Zia himself fell victim.
[51] Also deeply controversial is Zia's rehabilitation of persons and political groups that had collaborated with the Pakistani army in carrying out atrocities against intellectuals and religious minorities.
[52] Zia is also criticised for creating a "managed democracy," which remained largely beholden to the military and his political party.
[22] In a verdict passed on
August 30 2005 the
Dhaka High Court declared the seizures of power by military coups between 1975 and 1979, including Zia's military regime as "unlawful and unconstitutional."
[54] Zia's martial law decrees, his ascendancy to the presidency in 1977 and the referendum held in 1978 were declared "unknown to the constitution." The court ruling overruled the Indemnity Act by which these very events were accorded a legal status and enshrined in the constitution.
[54]
Former US President
Ronald Reagan praised him for his leadership and said that "The United States -- indeed the world -- had come to respect President Zia's profound and compassionate commitment to a better life for his people and his dedication to the rule of law. His wisdom in international affairs will be sorely missed".
[ Message to Acting President Abdus Sattar of Bangladesh on the Death of President Ziaur Rahman ]
While credited for ending the disorder of the final years of Sheikh Mujib's rule, Zia is assailed by his critics for suppressing opposition..
[14][57] However, Zia's economic reforms are credited with rebuilding the economy and his move towards
Islamisation brought him the support of much of Bangladesh's Muslim-majority population.
[14][22] His nationalist vision also appealed to many who resented the nation's strategic alliance with India and the
Soviet Union. Moving away from Mujib's secularism, Zia asserted an Islamic political identity for Bangladesh and of membership in the wider community of Muslim nations.
[39] However, these measures also isolated and embittered many ethnic and religious minorities in Bangladesh, laying in the opinion of many historians the foundations of future communal and ethnic conflicts.
[39][52]
Ziaur Rahman is survived by his wife Begum Khaleda Zia and his sons
Tareq Rahman and Arafat Rahman. Begum Khaleda Zia became the head of the BNP and organised a coalition of political parties opposed to Ershad's regime. In elections held in 1991, Begum Khaleda Zia led the BNP to victory and became prime minister. She lost the 1996 elections to the Awami League's
Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the daughter of Mujibur Rahman but returned to power in 2001.
[63] Tareq Rahman serves as BNP senior joint secretary, regarded by many as the architect of the BNP's 2001 election victory.
[64] Zia's life and legacy are celebrated widely.
November 7 each year is celebrated as
National Revolution and Solidarity Day, commemorating the military coup that returned Zia to power.
[65] Zia is the namesake of many public institutions, including the
Zia International Airport in Dhaka, which is the busiest airport in the nation. Zia has also been honoured by the
SAARC for his statesmanship and vision.
[66]
See also
References
1. Zia biography
2. General Zia
3. General Zia
4. General Zia
5. Zia's marriage
6. Zia Biography
7. Bhola cyclone
8. Mujib Notes
9. Zia's regime
10. The State in Bangladesh under Zia (1975–81)
11. The State in Bangladesh under Zia (1975–81)
12. The State in Bangladesh under Zia (1975–81)
13. Coups of 1975
14. Zia regime
15. Zia's rise to power
16. Zia's rise to power
17. Zia regime
18. Zia regime
19. Zia regime
20. Zia regime
21. Bangladesh 1978: Search for a Political Party
22. Bangladesh 1979: Cry for a Sovereign Parliament
23. Bangladesh 1978: Search for a Political Party
24. BNP
25. Bangladesh in 1977: Dilemmas of the Military Rulers
26. BNP
27. Bangladesh 1979: Cry for a Sovereign Parliament
28. Zia regime
29. Zia regime
30. Zia regime
31. A Bangladeshi Soap Opera
32. General Zia
33. Zia regime
34. General Zia
35. Zia regime
36. Governance and Politics in South Asia
37. General Zia
38. Governance and Politics in South Asia
39. Zia and Islam
40. Chittagong Hill Tracts Issue
41. Chittagong Hill Tracts Issue
42. Zia and Islam
43. Indemnity
44. Shah Azizur Rahman
45. Zia's rule
46. Zia's assassination
47. Zia's assassination
48. Zia's rule
49. Zia's assassination
50. Zia regime
51. Mujib murder trial
52. BNP and Jamaat Bangladesh Observer
53. Bangladesh 1979: Cry for a Sovereign Parliament
54. Court ruling makes Zia's rule "unconstitutional" The Independent
55. Court ruling makes Zia's rule "unconstitutional" The Independent
56. Zia regime
57. Zia's policies
58. Zia regime
59. Bangladesh 1979: Cry for a Sovereign Parliament
60. Zia and Islam
61. Zia and Islam
62. BNP and Jamaat Bangladesh Observer
63. Prime Minister Begum Khaleda ZIa
64. Begum Khaleda and Tareq Rahman The Hindu Frontline
65. National Revolution and Solidarity Day
66. Zia given posthumous honour by SAARC VOA News
Further reading
★ Anthony Mascarenhas, ''. ISBN 0-340-39420-X.
★ Craig Baxter, ''Bangladesh: From a Nation to a State'' (1997), Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-2854-3.
★ Craig Baxter et al, ''Governance and Politics in South Asia'' (1998), Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-3901-4.
External links
★
Ziaur Rahman
★
Zia on Banglapedia
★
Zia on Virtual Bangladesh
★
BNP official website biography
★
Bogra biography
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